1. Introduction : is hypocrisy so ordinary as to ignore or the second worse vice? -- 2. Sport and religion in the United States -- 3. Some aspects of sport and religion in Iceland and France -- 4. Hypocrisy and information : technologies used in detection and in concealment -- 5. Hypocrisy and related deceits : when lying becomes normal -- 6. Hypocrisy and levels of trust within cultures -- 7. Ethical and theoretical implications of patterns of hypocrisy : artifice as a species constant or a variable.
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In: International review for the sociology of sport: irss ; a quarterly edited on behalf of the International Sociology of Sport Association (ISSA), Band 35, Heft 3, S. 348-363
Maurice Garin won the first Tour de France in 1903, and Lance Armstrong won in 1999, providing 86 races for analysis (after cancellations for war). Participation, fan interest, and success have been heavily French and by continent almost exclusively European. The bounded population of occurrences and singular geographical locus combine for a useful analytical frame for investigating how particular sports are affected by national cultures. The second race and the 1998 Tour yielded visible scandals, and there have been many other races where riders were censored even as winners were celebrated. A provocative element within the established bases for opprobrium and honor is that there are two (rather than one) normative frameworks: one of the racers themselves and the other of the surrounding society, originally French and now increasingly global. The research intends to illustrate the frequent tension and strong discontinuity between the increasingly complex surrounding normative order and the more contained normative order of the Tour participants. Culture use sports to celebrate moral values by valorizing competitors as heroes. However, the 1998 Tour and the lingering crisis of trust in the integrity of the event in 1999 create the prospect of systemically induced rule infractions and the demise of the sport hero.
Structuralism, systems theory, and ethnomethodology advocate revisions within the social sciences which are fundamental and general. Consequently, they solicit consideration for adoption in the study of the family. Social science use may ultimately entail selective application and integration, but both of these kinds of use require some set of reference axes for making distinctions, documenting points of convergence, and charting developments. This statement attempts to provide some reference axes suitable for aiding judgments about potential application of the approaches in the study of the family. Comparisons of structuralism, systems theory, and ethnomethodology are made, first, in terms of the reference of respective plans and assumptions, a reference which includes facets of communication, rules, formalization, and human cognition. Secondly, comparisons are made in terms of the reference of respective methodological implications, which includes facets of the focus of research and the location of the researcher viz. a viz. the social action. Thirdly, following these comparisons, examples of how each has been used in the study of the family and might be used in future study are provided.
The use of graphical humor as an indicator of social and psychological attitudes is reviewed. A novel method for assessing attitudes using cartoons as projective devices is introduced. Analysis of responses from 275 students who were given both discursive, sentence items and graphical humor, projective items, demonstrates the potential of cartoons as stimuli for attitude measurement. The results suggest that graphical humor might be developed successfully in constructing alternative methods for measuring attitudinal ambivalence. Greater attention should be given to the ambivalence dimensions of social attitudes because ambivalence is a common and expected outcome of the inconsistencies and contradictions inherent in social life.
Rapid expansion of research dealing with outcome of conjugal decision making has heightened the need for evaluation of indices employed. The purpose of this article is to provide an empirical test of the general hypothesis that additive indices of conjugal decision making yield a unidimensional measure. Analyses of data from five previous studies reveal little inter-item relationship within samples or within subsamples of husbands and wives, and factor analysis of correlation matrices yields widely disparate solutions with from two to four dimensions within each sample and subsample. Beyond evidence of inconsistent and complex factor structures, there remains considerable unexplained variation in the respective solutions even when three or four factors are extracted.; While coefficients of individual item reproducibility are reportedly high for scales of this type, the advisability of summing individual item weights to form a composite mean score for analysis and interpretation is not warranted. Each analysis provides a multidimensional conclusion.; The goal of replication, characteristic of extensions of the Blood and Wolfe approach, is compromised by questionable theoretical and methodological assumptions. Implications of these findings are discussed.