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Several studies have shown that immigrants marrying natives experience better economic outcomes than those marrying other immigrants, but we know less about partner choice and the economic outcomes of the children of immigrants and among those forming cohabiting unions. Utilizing Norwegian register data from all cohabiting and marital unions formed between 2006 and 2018 involving second-generation and childhood immigrants ( N = 49,692 couples, 65% cohabiting), we explored how partner choice relates to employment status, individual income, and household income for up to 14 years after union formation. Overall, children of immigrants with native partners were more frequently employed and earned higher incomes than those who chose partners from migrant-backgrounds. Fixed effects model results confirmed that children of immigrants who partnered endogamously experienced less favorable employment and individual income trajectories compared to those partnering with natives. We discovered similar negative impacts on the likelihood of employment and on the individual incomes of men who partnered exogamously with migrant-background women. However, when ignoring initial selection and shifting focus solely to changes post-union formation, we found that partnering endogamously had a positive effect on household income. In general, we observed the strongest effects among women and those married, and we noticed important differences across global regions of origin.

Young adults in Norway mostly choose cohabitation as their first co-residential union and the age of first union formation is comparatively low. However, dissolution rates are higher in Norway than in most other parts of Europe, potentially leading to unstable relationship careers in young adulthood. Using recent survey data from Norway on men and women born 1927–73 ( N = 9, 723), we analyze the prevalence and correlates of the number of co-residential unions experienced by the age of 35. We find that the number of co-residential relationships has increased across cohorts, but this development has slowed down among the youngest cohorts. The type of the first union plays a crucial role, and young adults who did not marry their first cohabiting partner have a higher likelihood of experiencing several co-residential unions than those who married directly or via cohabitation.

Using data on men and women born 1927 to 1968 from the Norwegian Gender and Generations Survey (N = 8,813), we examine differentials in remaining without experience from a marital or non-marital union by age 40. We are particularly interested in differentials by gender and education, as well as changes across birth cohorts. 6.5% of the respondents (7.8% of the men and 5.2% of the women) had no union experience by age 40. Multivariate results confirmed that the odds of remaining unpartnered by age 40 decreased across the birth cohorts studied here, particularly among women. Separate models for men and women confirmed that primary educated men had the highest odds of remaining unpartnered. Among women, on the other hand, those with a university education had significantly higher odds of not having had union experience by age 40 compared with their lower educated counterparts. Results from interaction models confirmed that higher educated men have become increasingly likely to remain unpartnered. Among women, we found no evidence for a changing importance of education for remaining unpartnered by age 40.

Over the last decade there has been a dramatic increase in shared residence for children among parents living apart in Norway, and a related shift away from mother sole custody. Currently, 3 in 10 children in separated families have shared residence, compared to less than 10% at the beginning of the century. This likely reflects several factors, including more symmetrical parenting practices in intact families in Norway and policy measures that promote a more equal division of practical care and economic provision among separated parents. Shared residence is most widespread among those from high socioeconomic backgrounds. Parents with shared residence generally report better cooperation and less conflict than sole custody parents and also more gender‐equal caring practices prior to separation.