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Years of constant study and controversy have always reaffirmed our national policy that a strong merchant marine is essential for economic and defense reasons. Yet, the status of the United States Merchant Marine today is continuing to be debated pro and con. High labor and construction costs place American maritime operators at an economic disadvantage, and political and nationalistic factors place them at a competitive disadvantage. Labor problems, marked by struggles between competing unions and accentuated by the advent of automation, create serious difficulties. With the heterogeneous nature of the industry ignored or misunderstood, the importance and function of essential portions of the United States merchant fleet are often distorted. As a matter of practice, foreign businessmen use their national ships to a greater degree than American shippers. The competitive position of the American operator is also affected by omnipresent government regulation. The increased dependence of the United States upon world trade, however, and the need to achieve a more favorable balance of payments have created a national awareness of the essentiality of an American-flag merchant fleet. This will help to create the atmosphere in business, government, and labor necessary for the solution of present problems and the achievement of a more effective national maritime policy.

This compelling work recovers a neglected episode in the Black community's long struggle for full citizenship when police and Klansmen stormed First African Baptist Church and brutalized over 600 unarmed protestors preparing to march for freedom. Bloody Tuesday, as Tuscaloosa residents called the day, is one of the most violent episodes in the civil rights movement.

This fascinating history explores the wide range of views of Britons in late-imperial China as they chafed under the restrictions imposed by the Canton System. John M. Carroll brings a seminal period in the Anglo-Chinese relationship, which revolved around tea and opium, to life through the words of those who experienced it intimately

It is well known, and much discussed, that liberal democracy is in trouble worldwide. Much of this discussion focuses on conditions within individual countries: their inequalities of wealth, political polarization, media environments, and dominant ideologies. In this book, John M. Owen IV sees the failures of democracy as failures of "ecosystem engineering." Like beavers, nesting ants, or (most intensely of all) humans, nations actively reshape their environments to make them more favorable for their own species - this, for Owen, is the true meaning of Woodrow Wilson's phrase "to make the world safe for democracy." However, liberalism has evolved in ways that are no longer conducive to its own survival; meanwhile, autocratic governments in Russia and China are actively reshaping the international environment to favor autocracy.Owen argues that the way to ensure democracy's survival in the United States is to reimagine liberalism - to view it as less about disruption and perpetual openness and more about commitment, community, and country. Liberalism must reject the "great delusion" that it can defeat autocracies everywhere and convert them into liberal democracies, yet also counter moves by China and Russia to make the world safe for autocracy.

Getting the Runaround takes readers into the bureaucratic spaces of prisoner reentry, examining how returning citizens navigate the "institutional circuit" of parole offices, public assistance programs, rehabilitation facilities, shelters, and family courts. Drawing on three years of ethnographic fieldwork and forty-five in-depth interviews with formerly incarcerated men returning to New York City, John M. Halushka argues that the very institutions charged with facilitating the transition from incarceration to community life perversely undermine reintegration by imposing a litany of bureaucratic obstacles. This "runaround" is not merely a series of inconveniences but rather an extension of state punishment that exacerbates material poverty and diminishes citizenship rights. By telling the stories of men caught in vicious cycles of poverty, bureaucratic processing, and social control, Halushka demonstrates the urgent need to shift reentry away from an austerity-driven, compliance-based framework and toward a vision of social justice and inclusion.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Foreword -- Preface -- 1 Introduction -- 2 What Makes Some Marriages Magical and Some Miserable? Raising the Questions -- 3 Terman's Question: What Makes for Marital Happiness? The View From Observational Methods -- 4 Longitudinal Change in Marital Happiness: Observing Physiology as Well as Marital Interaction -- 5 Marital Processes That Predict Dissolution -- 6 In What Sense Are Regulated Couples Regulated? -- 7 Is Conflict Avoidance Dysfunctional? -- 8 Conflict Avoidance and the Behavior of the Listener: Toward a Typology of Marriage -- 9 There Are Two Types of Conflict Engagers -- 10 A Balance Theory of Marriage -- 11 There Are Two Types of Nonregulated Couples -- 12 Male Withdrawal From Marital Conflict -- 13 Replication and Extension -- 14 Physiology During Marital Interaction -- 15 Toward a Comprehensive Theory of Marital Stability -- 16 Eight-Year Longitudinal Follow-Up Study -- 17 Recommendations for a Stable Marriage -- 18 Epilogue -- Appendix: The Observational Coding Systems -- References -- Author Index -- Subject Index.

Owen argues that the way to ensure democracy's survival in the United States is to reimagine liberalism -- to view it as less about disruption and perpetual openness and more about commitment, community, and country. Liberalism must reject the "great delusion" that it can defeat autocracies everywhere and convert them into liberal democracies, yet also counter moves by China and Russia to make the world safe for autocracy. - publisher.

"American sports agnostics might raise an eyebrow at the idea that soccer represents a staging ground for progressive cultural, social, and political possibility within the United States. It is just another game, after all, in a society where mass-audience spectator sport largely avoids any political stance in other than a generic, corporate-friendly patriotism. But John Sloop picks up on the work of Laurent Dubois and others to see in American soccer-a sport that has achieved immense participation and popularity even as it struggles to establish major league status-a game that permits surprisingly diverse modes of thinking about national identity because of its marginality. As a rhetorician who engages with both critical theory and culture, John Sloop seeks to read soccer as the game intersects with gender, race, sexuality, class, and the logic of neoliberal values. The result of this engagement is a sense of both enormous possibility, and real constraint. If American soccer offers more possibility because of its marginality, looking at how these cultural, social, and political possibilities are closed off or constrained can provide valuable insights into American culture and values. In Soccer's Neoliberal Pitch, Sloop analyzes a host of soccer-adjacent case studies: the equal pay dispute between the US women's national team and the US Soccer Federation, the significance of hooligan literature, the introduction of English soccer to American TV audiences, the strange invisibility of the Mexican soccer league despite its consistent high TV ratings, and the reading of US national teams as "underdogs" despite the nation's quasi-imperial dominance of the Western hemisphere. While there is a growing bookshelf of titles on soccer and a growing number on American soccer, Soccer's Neoliberal Pitch is the first and only book-length analysis of soccer through a rhetorical lens. This book is a model for critical cultural work with sports, with appeal to not only sports studies, but cultural studies, communication, and even gender studies classrooms. It is, independent of its bona fides, an engaging and enjoyable read for the soccer fan and the soccer-curious"--