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One of the features of democracy is the constant battle for the protection or implementation of particular interests. This trend is inevitable and, according to many experts, also quite beneficial with regard to the efficiency of the functioning of the political system, as well as its social legitimization. Nevertheless, restrictions apply as there are as many ways of regulation, from a legal point of view, as there are countries in the world. Thus it ought to come as no surprise that lobbying exists in Poland, and in consequence we are observing attempts to establish a framework for it in legal terms. Some questions arise in this respect that require a serious response: what should be considered as lobbying? Is it actually legal in Poland? Does the legal framework allow for its controlling and monitoring? If, and possibly how, should such regulations influence the social reception of lobbying in Poland? These are but a few of the questions that this paper is aiming to provide answers to. ; One of the features of democracy is the constant battle for the protection or implementation of particular interests. This trend is inevitable and, according to many experts, also quite beneficial with regard to the efficiency of the functioning of the political system, as well as its social legitimization. Nevertheless, restrictions apply as there are as many ways of regulation, from a legal point of view, as there are countries in the world. Thus it ought to come as no surprise that lobbying exists in Poland, and in consequence we are observing attempts to establish a framework for it in legal terms. Some questions arise in this respect that require a serious response: what should be considered as lobbying? Is it actually legal in Poland? Does the legal framework allow for its controlling and monitoring? If, and possibly how, should such regulations influence the social reception of lobbying in Poland? These are but a few of the questions that this paper is aiming to provide answers to.

One of the features of democracy is the constant battle for the protection or implementation of particular interests. This trend is inevitable and, according to many experts, also quite beneficial with regard to the efficiency of the functioning of the political system, as well as its social legitimization. Nevertheless, restrictions apply as there are as many ways of regulation, from a legal point of view, as there are countries in the world. Thus it ought to come as no surprise that lobbying exists in Poland, and in consequence we are observing attempts to establish a framework for it in legal terms. Some questions arise in this respect that require a serious response: what should be considered as lobbying? Is it actually legal in Poland? Does the legal framework allow for its controlling and monitoring? If, and possibly how, should such regulations influence the social reception of lobbying in Poland? These are but a few of the questions that this paper is aiming to provide answers to. ; One of the features of democracy is the constant battle for the protection or implementation of particular interests. This trend is inevitable and, according to many experts, also quite beneficial with regard to the efficiency of the functioning of the political system, as well as its social legitimization. Nevertheless, restrictions apply as there are as many ways of regulation, from a legal point of view, as there are countries in the world. Thus it ought to come as no surprise that lobbying exists in Poland, and in consequence we are observing attempts to establish a framework for it in legal terms. Some questions arise in this respect that require a serious response: what should be considered as lobbying? Is it actually legal in Poland? Does the legal framework allow for its controlling and monitoring? If, and possibly how, should such regulations influence the social reception of lobbying in Poland? These are but a few of the questions that this paper is aiming to provide answers to.

One of the features of democracy is the constant battle for the protection or implementation of particular interests. This trend is inevitable and, according to many experts, also quite beneficial with regard to the efficiency of the functioning of the political system, as well as its social legitimization. Nevertheless, restrictions apply as there are as many ways of regulation, from a legal point of view, as there are countries in the world. Thus it ought to come as no surprise that lobbying exists in Poland, and in consequence we are observing attempts to establish a framework for it in legal terms. Some questions arise in this respect that require a serious response: what should be considered as lobbying? Is it actually legal in Poland? Does the legal framework allow for its controlling and monitoring? If, and possibly how, should such regulations influence the social reception of lobbying in Poland? These are but a few of the questions that this paper is aiming to provide answers to. ; One of the features of democracy is the constant battle for the protection or implementation of particular interests. This trend is inevitable and, according to many experts, also quite beneficial with regard to the efficiency of the functioning of the political system, as well as its social legitimization. Nevertheless, restrictions apply as there are as many ways of regulation, from a legal point of view, as there are countries in the world. Thus it ought to come as no surprise that lobbying exists in Poland, and in consequence we are observing attempts to establish a framework for it in legal terms. Some questions arise in this respect that require a serious response: what should be considered as lobbying? Is it actually legal in Poland? Does the legal framework allow for its controlling and monitoring? If, and possibly how, should such regulations influence the social reception of lobbying in Poland? These are but a few of the questions that this paper is aiming to provide answers to.

The Common Foreign and Security Policy is one of these areas of the European Union's activity which arouses wide interest due to the broad spectrum of issues addressed there (i.a. democracy, the rule of law, trade, and issues related to civil, military and energy security) as well as to continuous evolvement of the Policy itself. Thus this area provides an abundance of issues to research on, discuss and assess, while professional diplomats regard it as a vital tool for attaining common goals that are significant from the perspective of a larger whole rather than only that of individual member states. One of such goals is to ensure energy security of the European Union. With this in mind, it is impossible for EU diplomacy to overlook the states of the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, both with regard to their energy resources and geographical location. Is the South Caucasus truly the EU's natural direction of improving its energy security? Are these countries able to help the European Union diversify its sources of energy supplies? Finally, are the states of the South Caucasus interested in that? These are only some of the questions the following article should answer.

The Common Foreign and Security Policy is one of these areas of the European Union's activity which arouses wide interest due to the broad spectrum of issues addressed there (i.a. democracy, the rule of law, trade, and issues related to civil, military and energy security) as well as to continuous evolvement of the Policy itself. Thus this area provides an abundance of issues to research on, discuss and assess, while professional diplomats regard it as a vital tool for attaining common goals that are significant from the perspective of a larger whole rather than only that of individual member states. One of such goals is to ensure energy security of the European Union. With this in mind, it is impossible for EU diplomacy to overlook the states of the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, both with regard to their energy resources and geographical location. Is the South Caucasus truly the EU's natural direction of improving its energy security? Are these countries able to help the European Union diversify its sources of energy supplies? Finally, are the states of the South Caucasus interested in that? These are only some of the questions the following article should answer.

Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them. ; Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.

Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the 1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.

Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them. ; Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.

Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU's financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will al- low one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds pro- vided by the EU's' financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland's maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union's financial support.

Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU's financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will allow one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds provided by the EU's' financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland's maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union's financial support. ; Poland has been a full member of the European Union for five years already. One of the results of this membership is the opportunity to obtain co-financing for domestic investments and activities, provided via structural funds. Both Polish society and potential beneficiaries (e.g. businesses, provinces, institutions, NGOs) have enormous expectations in this respect. However, these expectations are not based on genuine awareness of the objectives of the EU's financial instruments, the principles of their planning, implementation, or their actual impact. Since the significance of EU cohesion policy among other EU policies continues to rise, it is necessary to examine its present shape and compare it with the former budget programming period. This will allow one to envisage the direction this policy is taking, as it is shaped by the subsequent reforms. Additionally, this knowledge may be crucial at present, when the funds provided by the EU's' financial perspective 2007–2013 are being spent, and it may also be useful in the near future, during the negotiations on the shape of cohesion policy after 2013, also including the subject of Poland's maintaining the status of one of the largest beneficiaries of the Union's financial support.

Despite the progressing outer convergence of Poland, it can be stated that, with the exception of a few big cities and few areas attractive in terms of tourism and agriculture, all Polish voivodships are threatened by the peripheralization in the integrating Europe. Furthermore, the restructurization processes of industry and agriculture together with a slow privatization of these branches of economy, despite visible positive results, brought about threats of unemployment, a low investment ability, little competitiveness of enterprises or ineffectiveness of the institutional system. What is more, the above-mentioned dangers occur to different degrees in different regions. Therefore, a low socio-economic cohesion is itself an obstacle to the enlargement of the cohesion at the European level. This paper tries to present the current level of socio-economic development of Polish voivodships, especially Kujawsko-Pomorskie, within the context of cohesion policy of the European Union.

PURPOSE: NATO has been built upon political, economic, and military issues. Over the years, due to the intensive development of medicine, public debate has marginalised public health threats as aspect of international security. Our goal was to find out whether the transatlantic security community will rise to the challenge posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. ; DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: This article attempts to answer the above question through theoretical analysis of the functioning of NATO as a security community as well as through the analysis of actions taken by the Alliance to combat the COVID-19 pandemic. ; FINDINGS: The hypothesis we were able to confirm is, that the current pandemic is a chance for the Alliance – it can play a greater role in the community than it has done so far. ; PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: Our research shows gaps in NATO's crisis management system and the areas that need to be improved. ; ORIGINALITY/VALUE: We see our paper as an innovative one, because no one has researched NATO's crisis management mechanisms on the example of a specific, non-military crisis. ; peer-reviewed