ObjectiveThis study provides the first representative portrait of temporal trends in subjective social status (SSS) in China. SSS has been shown to be important for health and well‐being outcomes, yet little is known how its determinants change over time.MethodsUsing data from 10 nationally representative survey waves, 2003 to 2012 (N = 80,141), we examine descriptive and multivariate trends. Oaxaca‐Blinder decomposition is used to decompose changes in determinants in mean SSS over time.Results and ConclusionResults demonstrate that (1) average SSS has risen over time, yet there is an enduring tendency for the Chinese to place themselves in lowest levels in the social hierarchy; (2) objective socioeconomic variables such as income explain much of the rise in average SSS; (3) yet the strength of the relationship between socioeconomic variables predicting SSS has been weakening over time. This article adds to our understanding of the determinants of SSS in contexts undergoing transition.
The game‐theoretic bargaining literature insists on a noncooperative bargaining procedure but implicitly assumes "cooperative" implementation of agreements. In reality, courts cannot implement agreements costlessly, and parties often prefer to use "noncooperative" implementation. We present a bargaining model which incorporates the idea that agreements may be enforced noncooperatively. We show that this has a substantial impact in limiting the inequality of agreements, and results in a nonmonotonicity of the discount rate. The model also explains why some parties may have incentives to deliberately write incomplete contracts as a way to enhance their bargaining power.
Abstract This article examines Canada's accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As one of only a select group of 10 countries from outside of Southeast Asia that is a Dialogue Partner with ASEAN, Canada has gained important diplomatic and market presence in the Indo-Pacific. Furthermore, Canada's national interests are advanced through the accession to TAC by supporting a rules-based system of regional order. The foundations of ASEAN—based on sovereignty, consensus, and the process of informality—make the "ASEAN Way" frustrating to proponents of an "independent" and "activist" foreign policy for Canada, especially as human rights abuses have unfolded in the region and the state of democracy remains a mixed record. However, Canada's only method for securing economic interests, and just as critically, to promote a rules-based international order for the Indo-Pacific that is not dominated by China, is to participate with ASEAN as a TAC signatory.RésuméCet article examine l'adhésion du Canada au Traité d'amitié et de coopération (TAC) avec l'Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-est (ANASE). En tant que l'un des seuls groupes restreints parmi dix pays de l'extérieur de l'Asie du Sud-est à être un partenaire de dialogue avec l'ASEAN, le Canada a acquis une présence diplomatique et commerciale importante dans l'Indopacifique. De plus, les intérêts nationaux du Canada sont favorisés par l'adhésion à l'ATC en soutenant un système d'ordre régional fondé sur des règles. Les fondements de l'ANASE, la souveraineté, le consensus et le processus de l'informalité, rendent la « voie de l'ANASE » frustrante pour les partisans d'une politique étrangère « indépendante » et « activiste » pour le Canada, d'autant plus que des violations des droits de la personne se sont produites dans la région. Et l'état de la démocratie reste un bilan mitigé. Cependant, la seule méthode du Canada pour sécuriser les intérêts économiques, et tout aussi critique, pour promouvoir un ordre international fondé sur des règles pour l'Indopacifique qui n'est pas dominé par la Chine, est de participer avec l'ASEAN en tant que signataire du TAC.Keywords: Canadian Foreign Policy; ASEAN; Southeast AsiaMots-clés : Politique étrangère canadienne ; ASEAN ; Asie du sud est
This article examines the states of Canada-ASEAN relations and the key issues, which follow this relationship. The authors present the historical background behind the emergence of ASEAN during the Vietnam War, and describe Canadian interaction from this period to 1980s. However, even the last decade in the 1990s, Canada's relations with the ASEAN region have failed to regain any focus, underscoring the lack of a consistent and sustained policy in what is an increasingly crucial area. The article then discusses the issues and strategies for ensuring better relations concerning the changing global political, economic, and social environments well into the future. The authors study each current issue, also examining those affecting Burma (Myanmar), humanitarian intervention, and non-interference; considering the acceptance and signing the ASEAN treaty of amity and cooperation initiated in 1976; and utilizing the ASEAN organization as an entry point to establish better relations with the nations of east Asia. The authors conclude that Canadian-ASEAN relations at a crossroads, tying in points from within to reconsider several of the key issues at hand, to develop strategies for sustained engagement, and recalibrate policies to ensure fruitful and productive footing. Adapted from the source document.
