THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COMPETITION POLICY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM
In: Oxford review of economic policy, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 94-112
ISSN: 1460-2121
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In: Oxford review of economic policy, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 94-112
ISSN: 1460-2121
In: International journal of the addictions, Band 26, Heft 4, S. 457-466
In: Columbia journal of transnational law, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 609
ISSN: 0010-1931
Front Cover -- Mapping Good Work: The Quality of Working Life Across the Occupational Structure -- Copyright information -- Table of contents -- List of Figures and Tables -- List of abbreviations -- Notes on the Authors -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- The Good Work agenda -- Good Work is multidimensional -- An occupational perspective -- The evolving structure of occupations -- Structure of the book -- One Mapping Good Work -- Introduction -- Approaches to the quality of work -- Surveying the quality of work -- Making visible disparities in the quality of work
In: The Micropalaeontological Society special publications 2
In: Human relations: towards the integration of the social sciences, Band 73, Heft 5, S. 711-736
ISSN: 1573-9716, 1741-282X
The notion of job quality has been at the forefront of academic and policy-debates, best crystallized in the pursuit to create more but also better jobs as a route to economic prosperity. Motivated by the need to better understand how occupational-level structures shape job quality, we derive predictions from the occupational closure literature to explore how occupational licensing – the strongest and fastest growing form of closure – shapes job quality in Britain. Using nationally-representative data over several decades, we find that the effects of licensing tend to be confined to jobs in the most stringently-licensed occupations, with such jobs having higher pay, lower job insecurity, greater opportunities for skill-use, and higher continuous learning requirements – relative to jobs in similarly-skilled unlicensed occupations. Of particular concern, however, is the finding that jobs in stringently-licensed occupations are also characterized by significantly lower task discretion and significantly higher job demands. Overall, our study adds a new dimension to job quality debates by highlighting the role of emergent occupational-level institutional structures in shaping job quality, and further, that despite the overall positive effects closure strategies have, they may come at a cost to certain critical intrinsic dimensions of job quality.
In: Social science quarterly, Band 99, Heft 1, S. 406-422
ISSN: 1540-6237
ObjectiveThis study provides the first representative portrait of temporal trends in subjective social status (SSS) in China. SSS has been shown to be important for health and well‐being outcomes, yet little is known how its determinants change over time.MethodsUsing data from 10 nationally representative survey waves, 2003 to 2012 (N = 80,141), we examine descriptive and multivariate trends. Oaxaca‐Blinder decomposition is used to decompose changes in determinants in mean SSS over time.Results and ConclusionResults demonstrate that (1) average SSS has risen over time, yet there is an enduring tendency for the Chinese to place themselves in lowest levels in the social hierarchy; (2) objective socioeconomic variables such as income explain much of the rise in average SSS; (3) yet the strength of the relationship between socioeconomic variables predicting SSS has been weakening over time. This article adds to our understanding of the determinants of SSS in contexts undergoing transition.
In: The Rand journal of economics, Band 40, Heft 2, S. 317-339
ISSN: 1756-2171
The game‐theoretic bargaining literature insists on a noncooperative bargaining procedure but implicitly assumes "cooperative" implementation of agreements. In reality, courts cannot implement agreements costlessly, and parties often prefer to use "noncooperative" implementation. We present a bargaining model which incorporates the idea that agreements may be enforced noncooperatively. We show that this has a substantial impact in limiting the inequality of agreements, and results in a nonmonotonicity of the discount rate. The model also explains why some parties may have incentives to deliberately write incomplete contracts as a way to enhance their bargaining power.
In: The Antitrust bulletin: the journal of American and foreign antitrust and trade regulation, Band 54, Heft 1, S. 1-14
ISSN: 1930-7969
In: Perspectives chinoises: Shenzhou-zhanwang, Band 80, Heft 1, S. 51-63
ISSN: 1021-9013
In: Contemporary politics, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 39-53
ISSN: 1469-3631
In: Brill's Japanese studies library volume 34
In: Brill ebook titles
Preliminary Material /M. Williams and D. Stahl -- Introduction /David C. Stahl and Mark B. Williams -- Chapter One. Catastrophe, Memory, And Narrative: Teaching Japanese And Jewish Responses To Twentieth-Century Atrocity /Alan Tansman -- Chapter Two. Murakami Haruki And The War Inside /Jay Rubin -- Chapter Three. To Make Gods And Demons Weep: Witnessing The Sublime In "Death In Midsummer" And "Patriotism" /Dennis Washburn -- Chapter Four. Writing The Traumatized Self: Tenkō In The Literature Of Shiina Rinzō /Mark Williams -- Chapter Five. Okuizumi Hikaru And The Mystery Of War Memory /Angela Yiu -- Chapter Six. Victimization And \'Response-Ability\': Remembering, Representing, And Working Through Trauma In Grave Of The Fireflies /David C. Stahl -- Chapter Seven. Fractious Memories In Medoruma Shun's Tales Of War /Davinder L. Bhowmik -- Chapter Eight. Framing The Ruins: The Documentary Photographs Of Yamahata Yōsuke (Nagasaki, August 10, 1945) /Mark Silver -- Chapter Nine. Responsibility And Japanese Literature Of The Atomic Bomb /Karen Thornber -- Chapter Ten. Of Brutality And Betrayal: Youthful Fiction And The Legacy Of The Asia Pacific War /Christine E. Wiley -- Chapter Eleven. Contesting Traumatic War Narratives: Space Battleship Yamato And Mobile Suit Gundam /William Ashbaugh -- Index /M. Williams and D. Stahl.
In: Canadian political science review: CPSR ; a new journal of political science, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 77-97
ISSN: 1911-4125
Abstract This article examines Canada's accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As one of only a select group of 10 countries from outside of Southeast Asia that is a Dialogue Partner with ASEAN, Canada has gained important diplomatic and market presence in the Indo-Pacific. Furthermore, Canada's national interests are advanced through the accession to TAC by supporting a rules-based system of regional order. The foundations of ASEAN—based on sovereignty, consensus, and the process of informality—make the "ASEAN Way" frustrating to proponents of an "independent" and "activist" foreign policy for Canada, especially as human rights abuses have unfolded in the region and the state of democracy remains a mixed record. However, Canada's only method for securing economic interests, and just as critically, to promote a rules-based international order for the Indo-Pacific that is not dominated by China, is to participate with ASEAN as a TAC signatory.RésuméCet article examine l'adhésion du Canada au Traité d'amitié et de coopération (TAC) avec l'Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-est (ANASE). En tant que l'un des seuls groupes restreints parmi dix pays de l'extérieur de l'Asie du Sud-est à être un partenaire de dialogue avec l'ASEAN, le Canada a acquis une présence diplomatique et commerciale importante dans l'Indopacifique. De plus, les intérêts nationaux du Canada sont favorisés par l'adhésion à l'ATC en soutenant un système d'ordre régional fondé sur des règles. Les fondements de l'ANASE, la souveraineté, le consensus et le processus de l'informalité, rendent la « voie de l'ANASE » frustrante pour les partisans d'une politique étrangère « indépendante » et « activiste » pour le Canada, d'autant plus que des violations des droits de la personne se sont produites dans la région. Et l'état de la démocratie reste un bilan mitigé. Cependant, la seule méthode du Canada pour sécuriser les intérêts économiques, et tout aussi critique, pour promouvoir un ordre international fondé sur des règles pour l'Indopacifique qui n'est pas dominé par la Chine, est de participer avec l'ASEAN en tant que signataire du TAC.Keywords: Canadian Foreign Policy; ASEAN; Southeast AsiaMots-clés : Politique étrangère canadienne ; ASEAN ; Asie du sud est