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"How can we understand power in a world of ever-growing complexity? This book proposes that we can do so by rethinking the theory and practice of political hegemony through the resources of complexity theory. Taking Gramsci's understanding of hegemony as its starting point, the book argues that the intricacies of contemporary power can be mapped by applying concepts drawn from complexity theory, such as emergence, self-organisation, metastability, and generative entrenchment. It develops an original account of social complexity, drawing upon critical realist sociology, analytic philosophy of science, Marxist and continental philosophies, and neoliberal and anarchist thought. It then draws out the elements of Gramscian hegemony that already align with complexity concepts, such as the balance of forces, common sense, and the historic bloc. On this basis, the book sets out the different dimensions of complex hegemonic power before using this theory to interpret the nature of the power of neoliberalism since 2008"--

The mainstream fiscal federalism literature has led to an instinctive belief that states receiving fiscal aid during a recession are taking advantage of the federal government in pursuit of localized benefits with dispersed costs. This policy brief by Alex Williams challenges this unreflective argument and, in response, offers a novel framework for understanding the relationship between the business cycle and fiscal federalism in the United States. Utilizing the work of Michael Pettis, Williams demonstrates that a government unable to design its own capital structure is not meaningfully an agent with respect to the business cycle. As such, they cannot be considered agents in a moral hazard problem when receiving support from the federal government during a recession. From the perspective of this policy brief, the operative moral hazard problem is one in which federal-level politicians reap a political benefit from a seemingly principled refusal to increase federal spending, while avoiding blame for crisis and austerity at the state and local government level. Williams' proposed solution is to impose macroeconomic discipline on federal policymakers by creating automatic stabilizers that take decisions about the level of state fiscal aid in a recession out of their hands.

Despite academics and media critics warning that cutbacks from the journalism crisis may be harming democratic values, a majority of the public is unaware of the financial struggles plaguing the industry. In this article, I argue that more communication scholars should publish research that is accessible to the broader public to help raise public awareness of this pivotal issue. Political economy, I argue, is well suited to this task, given its emphasis on merging research with action. I detail three key ways scholars can help the public connect to the journalism crisis: (1) by "localizing" the data to allow people to see how the crisis is impacting their community, (2) by "humanizing" the research to make the findings more relatable, and (3) by testing and refuting common refrains related to the crisis.

Full employment is a tenet of classic social democracy – but what if that just isn't applicable anymore? Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams survey the state of the British labour market and ask how a modern Labour party might reframe the issue of work so that it is sustainable and sustaining in the face of technological change.

This major new manifesto offers a "clear and compelling vision of a postcapitalist society" and shows how left-wing politics can be rebuilt for the twenty-first century (Mark Fisher, author of Capitalist Realism Neoliberalism isn't working. Austerity is forcing millions into poverty and many more into precarious work, while the left remains trapped in stagnant political practices that offer no respite. Inventing the Future is a bold new manifesto for life after capitalism. Against the confused understanding of our high-tech world by both the right and the left, this book claims that the emancipatory and future-oriented possibilities of our society can be reclaimed. Instead of running from a complex future, Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams demand a postcapitalist economy capable of advancing standards, liberating humanity from work and developing technologies that expand our freedoms. This new edition includes a new chapter where they respond to their various critics

La gauche devrait se mobiliser autour d'un consensus sur le post-travail. Cela lui permettrait de viser non seulement des gains appréciables – tels que la réduction de la corvée et de la pauvreté – mais aussi la construction, chemin faisant, d'une puissance politique. Cela implique au moins trois revendications : l'automation aussi complète que possible, une réduction du temps de travail sans réduction des salaires et l'instauration d'un revenu de base universel.

L'avenir a besoin d'être construit. Il a été démoli par le capitalisme néolibéral pour être réduit à une promesse à prix réduit d'inégalités croissantes, de conflits et de chaos. L'effondrement de l'idée d'avenir est symptomatique du statut historique régressif de notre époque, bien davantage que d'une maturité sceptique, comme les cyniques essaient de nous le faire croire de tous les bords du champ politique. Il faut casser la coquille de l'avenir une fois encore, pour libérer nos horizons en les ouvrant vers les possibilités universelles du Dehors.