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Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Prelude: 'Who Is RICHARD CONGREVE?' It Will Be Asked -- 'Cut Your Throats' for Grandmother's 'Ditchwater' -- 'Worshippers of His Madness' -- A 'Social Cuckoo'? -- A 'Mass of Wounds and Bruises, Ending in Death' -- References -- Chapter 2: Things About a Highly Strung Evangelist, 1818-1838 -- Old Clothes -- School of 'High Glee', 'Hateful in Many Ways, and Loveable in None' -- The Family Table and Fishing Hole -- Manly Christian 'Fighting' Muscles Versus 'Immoral Boyishness' -- Tracts on Spiritual Independence -- Lonely Quadrangles and 'Social Fathers' -- 'Conceited Boys' -- Chapel of Compulsory Evangelicalism -- References -- Chapter 3: Once Timorous, Now a 'Very Dangerous' Infidel, 1838-1845 -- A Ghostly Chair and a 'maiden sword' -- The Congreve Quartet and the 'evil' Examinations -- The 'struggle for oneself' -- Poison-Pen Papers on Tax and Tracts -- A 'national calamity', 'banquette of diligence', and a 'heretic' -- A 'very dangerous infidel' of Christian Society -- Embracing a 'hopeless species of infidelity' -- The 'cock of the school' -- References -- Chapter 4: A 'Man of Fiery Temperament', 1845-1852 -- A 'Dreadful' Man Under the 'Greatest Heat' -- Marooned on Hero Island with Atheism in 'an English Dress' -- A 'Political Art', a 'Faulty and Untenable' One -- A 'Death-Blow to Class Legislation' -- The 'Fiery Rocket' Man Misfires -- Regions of Imminent Peril, and a Happy 'Humanity Lecturer' -- In Between 'Mumbo Jumbo' and the 'Presence of a Master' -- Awaiting 'Some New Pilot' of a 'Philosophic Priesthood' -- In Defence of the 'Balaks of Manchester', the 'Great Instrument of Our Ruin' -- 'Savage Snarls' at the 'Ignorant Bumpkin' -- References -- Chapter 5: Leader of a 'Slightly Terrorist School of Philanthropists', 1852-1857.

"Amidst the soot, stink and splendour of Victorian London, a coterie of citizen-sociologists set out to break up the British Empire. They were the followers of the French philosopher Auguste Comte, a controversial figure who introduced the modern science of sociology and the republican Religion of Humanity. Moralising Space examines how from the 1850s Comte's British followers practised this science and religion with the aim to create a global network of 500 utopian city-states. Curiously the British Positivists' work has never been the focus of a full-length study on modern sociology and town planning. In this intellectual history, Matthew Wilson shows that through to the interwar period affiliates to the British Positivist Society - Richard Congreve, Frederic Harrison, Charles Booth, Patrick Geddes and Victor Branford - attempted to realise Comte's vision. With scarcely used source material Wilson presents the Positivists as an organised resistance to imperialism, industrial exploitation, poverty and despondency. Much to the consternation of the church, state and landed aristocracy they organised urban interventions, led ad hoc sociological surveys and published programmes for realising idyllic city-communities. Effectively this book contributes to our understanding of how Positivism, as a utopian spatial design praxis, heavily influenced twentieth-century architecture and planning."--

Among the Victorians who contributed to British sociology were the novelist Harriet Martineau and a peculiar trio of Oxford students called the 'Mumbo Jumbo club'. Martineau published an English 'condensation' of Auguste Comte's Cours de philosophie positivisme (1830–42), which introduced sociology to English readers. While under the watchful eye of the Oxford don Richard Congreve, Mumbo Jumbo read Martineau's study with great enthusiasm, and it shaped their course as first-generation sociologists. Using an intellectual history method, this essay argues that as the first female British sociologist, Martineau pioneered a feminist-intellectual approach to the discipline in such works as Society in America (1837). Meanwhile, on leaving Oxford, Mumbo Jumbo became the first British Positivist Society members. They not only translated but acted on the ideas in Comte's Système de politique positive (1851–4), which their leader,Congreve, described as the 'definitive construction' of sociology. This essay will argue that like Martineau, the Mumbo Jumbo trio — J.H. Bridges, E.S. Beesly, and Frederic Harrison — developed biologic-historical, socio-political, and urban-regional strands of sociological thinking. While examining these sociologists' lives and complementary methods, this essay argues that theirs was a distinctly utopian if critical, imaginative, and optimistic sociology, just as some people suggested was the discipline at the founding meetings of the British Sociological Society. Thus, the works of Martineau and Mumbo Jumbo, from compatible Comtean perspectives, aimed to transform thoughts and feelings into social actions for resolving societal issues and personal troubles.

Among the Victorians who contributed to British sociology were the novelist Harriet Martineau and a peculiar trio of Oxford students called the 'Mumbo Jumbo club'. Martineau published an English 'condensation' of Auguste Comte's Cours de philosophie positivisme (1830–42), which introduced sociology to English readers. While under the watchful eye of the Oxford don Richard Congreve, Mumbo Jumbo read Martineau's study with great enthusiasm, and it shaped their course as first-generation sociologists. Using an intellectual history method, this essay argues that as the first female British sociologist, Martineau pioneered a feminist-intellectual approach to the discipline in such works as Society in America (1837). Meanwhile, on leaving Oxford, Mumbo Jumbo became the first British Positivist Society members. They not only translated but acted on the ideas in Comte's Système de politique positive (1851–4), which their leader,Congreve, described as the 'definitive construction' of sociology. This essay will argue that like Martineau, the Mumbo Jumbo trio — J.H. Bridges, E.S. Beesly, and Frederic Harrison — developed biologic-historical, socio-political, and urban-regional strands of sociological thinking. While examining these sociologists' lives and complementary methods, this essay argues that theirs was a distinctly utopian if critical, imaginative, and optimistic sociology, just as some people suggested was the discipline at the founding meetings of the British Sociological Society. Thus, the works of Martineau and Mumbo Jumbo, from compatible Comtean perspectives, aimed to transform thoughts and feelings into social actions for resolving societal issues and personal troubles.

Scholars of political thought, sociology, and the arts have yet to fully explore the impact of positivism on modernist design theory and practice. This paper offers an intellectual history of the works of three generations of positivist sociologists who built on each other's works. They are Auguste Comte and Richard Congreve, Frederic Harrison and Charles Booth, and Patrick Geddes and Victor Branford. These actors developed different types of sociological survey, established a network of urban interventions, and proposed a series of planning programs and manifestos. It will be argued that their intention was to systematically reconcile international and domestic issues to realize a modern eutopia. Following this analysis, it will be shown that a similar language and practice appeared in the work of a diverse range of such modernist designers as Patrick Abercrombie, Sybella Gurney Branford, Louis Sullivan, H. P. Berlage, and Le Corbusier, among others.

Historians of political thought, social science, and environmental design have articulated different interpretations of the system of thought called Positivism, which was the creation of the French philosopher Auguste Comte. Few studies have presented the chief proponents of British Positivism as a cogent intellectual and ethical force seeking a comprehensive social reorganization. Using an intellectual history method, this article draws on scarcely used source material to provide a contextualized account of the praxis of three generations of citizen-sociologists affiliated to organized Positivism. This paper will argue that owing to the efforts of Comte's first complete and most ardent follower, the ex-Anglican minister and Oxford don Richard Congreve, this movement had a large impact on modern British life. Without Congreve there would have been no such school of organized British Positivism, and the lives he touched would have assumed a different character. Rarely today is Congreve acknowledged as one of Britain's first sociologists. During the 1850s he developed a historical-geographical type of sociological survey of the British Empire, and over the next seventy years his followers employed national, rustic, and civic types of surveys to explore the effects of imperialism, industrialization, unemployment and overcrowding on physical and mental degradation. This article contends that on this basis, the British Positivists' praxis of "applied sociology" entailed establishing urban "spiritual interventions," and issuing programmes and manifestos for structured social change, with the intention to realize Comte's eutopian city-states of the "Positive Era." As such, we will see that the Victorian meanings of the words "Positivism" and "sociology" are far different from our own.

AbstractDubai's ecologic and economic complications are exacerbated by six years of accelerated expansion, a fixed top‐down approach to urbanism and the construction of iconic single‐phase mega‐projects. With recent construction delays, project cancellations and growing landscape issues, Dubai's tower typologies have been unresponsive to changing environmental, socio‐cultural and economic patterns (BBC, 2009; Gillet, 2009; Lewis, 2009). In this essay, a theory of 'Big Regionalism' guides an argument for an economically and ecologically linked tower typology called the Condenser. This phased 'box‐to‐tower' typology is part of a greater Landscape Urbanist strategy called Vertical Landscraping. Within this strategy, the Condenser's role is to densify the city, facilitating the creation of ecologic voids that order the urban region. Delineating 'Big Regional' principles, the Condenser provides a time‐based, global–local urban growth approach that weaves Bigness into a series of urban‐regional, economic and ecological relationships, builds upon the environmental performance of the city's regional architecture and planning, promotes a continuity of Dubai's urban history, and responds to its landscape issues while condensing development. These speculations permit consideration of the overlooked opportunities embedded within Dubai's mega‐projects and their long‐term impact on the urban morphology.Résumé À Dubaï, les complications d'ordre écologique et économique sont accentuées par six années d'expansion accélérée, une approche de l'urbanisme figée imposée d'en haut, et la construction en une seule phase de méga‐projets emblématiques. Malgré les récents retards de construction, les annulations de projet et les problèmes d'aménagement du paysage, les typologies des tours de Dubaï n'ont pas suivi l'évolution des modèles environnemental, socioculturel et économique. Une théorie de 'Régionalisme à grande échelle' oriente, dans ce texte, une argumentation en faveur d'une typologie de tours associant économie et écologie, appelée Condenser (Condenseur). Cette typologie par étape, 'du cube à la tour', fait partie d'une stratégie plus vaste d'Urbanisme du paysage baptisée Vertical Landscraping (litt. raclage vertical). Dans cette stratégie, le rôle du Condenseur est de densifier la ville, tout en facilitant la création de vides écologiques qui disciplinent la région métropolitaine. De plus, en représentant les principes du Régionalisme à grande échelle, cette typologie offre une approche de croissance urbaine glocale définie dans le temps, qui permet d'intégrer le 'Grand' dans un tissu de liens économiques et écologiques au sein de la région métropolitaine, d'utiliser la performance environnementale de la planification et de l'architecture régionales de la ville, de favoriser la continuité de l'histoire urbaine de Dubaï, et de répondre à ses problèmes de paysage tout en condensant l'aménagement. À partir de ces spéculations, on peut étudier les possibilités ignorées qu'incorporent les méga‐projets de Dubaï et leur impact à longue échéance sur la morphologie urbaine.