Suchergebnisse

Działania członków partii politycznych w interesie ich macierzystych organizacji należą do ich najważniejszych funkcji. Z jednej strony partie nakładają na członków określone zadania i oczekują ich wypełnienia. Z drugiej strony członkowie będąc uczestnikami życia partyjnego mają swoje wyobrażenia na temat tego czego partie od nich oczekują oraz mają swoje oczekiwania wobec partii. Problem, który stawiam w tym artykule dotyczy zbieżności między: 1) postrzeganiem zadań stawianych członkom przez ich partie, 2) zadaniami rzeczywiście przez nich wykonywanymi oraz 3) oczekiwaniami żywionymi przez nich wobec partii odnośnie wypełnianych w partiach funkcji. Badaniem zostali objęci członkowie polskich partii politycznych: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, Platformy Obywatelskiej, Nowoczesnej, Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego, Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej i Partii Razem, którzy odpowiadali na pytania zawarte w kwestionariuszach ankiet. W wyniku badania ustalono, że postrzeganie oczekiwań partii oraz wykonywane rzeczywiście zadania na rzecz swoich ugrupowań rozmijają się z oczekiwaniami członków. Przede wszystkim nie zaspokajają one ich ambicji bycia podmiotami działań partyjnych, wpływającymi na podejmowane decyzje, a nie tylko jednostkami wykonującymi zadania instrumentalne oraz legitymizacyjne na rzecz swoich ugrupowań.

Działania członków partii politycznych w interesie ich macierzystych organizacji należą do ich najważniejszych funkcji. Z jednej strony partie nakładają na członków określone zadania i oczekują ich wypełnienia. Z drugiej strony członkowie będąc uczestnikami życia partyjnego mają swoje wyobrażenia na temat tego czego partie od nich oczekują oraz mają swoje oczekiwania wobec partii. Problem, który stawiam w tym artykule dotyczy zbieżności między: 1) postrzeganiem zadań stawianych członkom przez ich partie, 2) zadaniami rzeczywiście przez nich wykonywanymi oraz 3) oczekiwaniami żywionymi przez nich wobec partii odnośnie wypełnianych w partiach funkcji. Badaniem zostali objęci członkowie polskich partii politycznych: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, Platformy Obywatelskiej, Nowoczesnej, Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego, Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej i Partii Razem, którzy odpowiadali na pytania zawarte w kwestionariuszach ankiet. W wyniku badania ustalono, że postrzeganie oczekiwań partii oraz wykonywane rzeczywiście zadania na rzecz swoich ugrupowań rozmijają się z oczekiwaniami członków. Przede wszystkim nie zaspokajają one ich ambicji bycia podmiotami działań partyjnych, wpływającymi na podejmowane decyzje, a nie tylko jednostkami wykonującymi zadania instrumentalne oraz legitymizacyjne na rzecz swoich ugrupowań. ; Members of political parties perform different functions within and for their organizations. Political parties impose upon their members certain tasks and expect them to fulfil them for the common good of the party. The members at the same time have their own image of what do the parties expect of them, but they also have their own expectations towards the parties. The problem I raise in this article is the concurrence of these mutual expectations and activities: (1) perceptions of the tasks the party impose on the members, (2) actual tasks that are performed by the members, and finally their (3) expectations of what forms of activities they would like to undertake within and for their parties. The research was conducted among the members of: the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Modern (.N), the Polish People's Party (PSL), the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Party Together (Razem). Members of these parties filled in questionnaires. As the result of the research it can be stated that the perception of the party expectations towards the members and the tasks they actually fulfil are considerably diverged from the activities they would like to perform. Most of all, the given and performed tasks do not satisfy their ambitions as to be the subjects of the party's activities and decisions, but only individuals who perform instrumental and legitimising functions for their organizations.

Members of political parties perform different functions within and for their organizations. Political parties impose upon their members certain tasks and expect them to fulfil them for the common good of the party. The members at the same time have their own image of what do the parties expect of them, but they also have their own expectations towards the parties. The problem I raise in this article is the concurrence of these mutual expectations and activities: (1) perceptions of the tasks the party impose on the members, (2) actual tasks that are performed by the members, and finally their (3) expectations of what forms of activities they would like to undertake within and for their parties. The research was conducted among the members of: the Law and Justice (PiS), the Civic Platform (PO), the Modern (.N), the Polish People's Party (PSL), the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and the Party Together (Razem). Members of these parties filled in questionnaires. As the result of the research it can be stated that the perception of the party expectations towards the members and the tasks they actually fulfil are considerably diverged from the activities they would like to perform. Most of all, the given and performed tasks do not satisfy their ambitions as to be the subjects of the party's activities and decisions, but only individuals who perform instrumental and legitimising functions for their organizations. ; Działania członków partii politycznych w interesie ich macierzystych organizacji należą do ich najważniejszych funkcji. Z jednej strony partie nakładają na członków określone zadania i oczekują ich wypełnienia. Z drugiej strony członkowie będąc uczestnikami życia partyjnego mają swoje wyobrażenia na temat tego czego partie od nich oczekują oraz mają swoje oczekiwania wobec partii. Problem, który stawiam w tym artykule dotyczy zbieżności między: 1) postrzeganiem zadań stawianych członkom przez ich partie, 2) zadaniami rzeczywiście przez nich wykonywanymi oraz 3) oczekiwaniami żywionymi przez nich wobec partii odnośnie wypełnianych w partiach funkcji. Badaniem zostali objęci członkowie polskich partii politycznych: Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, Platformy Obywatelskiej, Nowoczesnej, Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego, Sojuszu Lewicy Demokratycznej i Partii Razem, którzy odpowiadali na pytania zawarte w kwestionariuszach ankiet. W wyniku badania ustalono, że postrzeganie oczekiwań partii oraz wykonywane rzeczywiście zadania na rzecz swoich ugrupowań rozmijają się z oczekiwaniami członków. Przede wszystkim nie zaspokajają one ich ambicji bycia podmiotami działań partyjnych, wpływającymi na podejmowane decyzje, a nie tylko jednostkami wykonującymi zadania instrumentalne oraz legitymizacyjne na rzecz swoich ugrupowań.

Since 2018, Poland has been a net migration country, yet public debates on migrants and migration remain scarce and have been defined by a reactionary nature. This article, adopting a political opportunity structure perspective, focuses on political parties as the main actors shaping opportunities and constraints for migrant political participation and representation in Polish society. Based on a qualitative content analysis of party manifestos and parliamentary debates, and using the deductive thematic analysis framework, this study analysed three types of arguments parties have adopted regarding the admission of migrants. The findings revealed that Polish political parties, failing to see non-voting migrants as promising electoral targets, have weaponised the migrant issue and used it as an element of the partisan battle to attack opponents, especially during the election campaign period, instead of stimulating migrants' political participation and offering them channels for representation.

Despite the decrease in membership in European political parties, members still have an important role to play. In this paper we introduce the concept of high-quality membership (HQM) and show the organizational and communication potential of party grassroots. We distinguished factors to be taken into account in order to build the concept of party HQM. Only then is the organizational and communication potential of party membership able to be maximized. We argue that high-quality membership is valuable for parties because it helps them to establish and maintain links with voters, who then elect representatives into local, regional, and national governments; members help to collect information, understand problems and seek solutions important to local communities and to society in general; finally, HQM helps to improve the image of the party in society. The questions we raise in this article do not concentrate entirely on the above functions of party members since we advance that if a party would like to benefit from high-quality membership it must first obtain basic knowledge about its members, their needs, expectations and judgements. Therefore, in this article we discuss what kind of knowledge is necessary for parties to achieve the goal of HQM, and how the role of members is now understood and assessed by party leaders.

Emergence of parties and party systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of Communism, in comparison with the emergence of parties and party systems in Western Europe, was different in at least two ways. First, they were forming up in the time of crisis of political parties in general. Western political parties, as Martin Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokkan indicated were a result of sociolopolitical cleavages (Lipset, Rokkan 1967), which enabled them to formulate their programmes and define their electorates. However, since the late 1960' there have been many changes, due to new socio-political context. Relations between parties and their electorates started to diminish as a result of new sociopolitical differences and the parties themselves started to look for new supporters (tried, with the help of media, to become catch all parties). Parallel to this, ideologies stopped playing the main, defining role in the process of voting for the party. But still, as Lipset claims in an article describing party systems in postcommunist Europe, parties must have steady voter alignments based on sociopolitical divisions in order to successfully take part in consecutive general elections, until then they are unstable.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- References -- Party Names in Polish and English -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Theoretical and Methodological Framework -- 1.1 Approaches to Studying Political Parties -- 1.2 Political Parties as Communication Organisations -- 1.3 Research Outline -- 1.4 Data Selection and Party Characteristics -- 1.5 Research Methods -- References -- 2 Democracy in Poland: The Post-communist Regime and Its Performance -- 2.1 The Legacy of the Communist Regime -- 2.2 Trust in Political and Public Institutions -- 2.3 Low Voter Turnout -- 2.4 Towards an Illiberal Democracy -- References -- 3 The Emergence of the Party System in Poland-From Instability to Permanent Rivalry Patterns -- 3.1 Party Institutionalisation -- 3.2 Organisation Model(s) of Political Parties -- 3.3 Entry Barriers to the Political Market -- Registration of Candidate Lists -- Electoral Threshold and Voting System (Formula for Allocating Seats) -- District (Constituency) Magnitude -- Public Funding of Parties -- References -- 4 Changing Communication Environment -- 4.1 Parties' Communication Orientation -- 4.2 Media Logics in Party Communication -- 4.3 Factors Shaping Politicians' Relations with the Media in Poland -- References -- 5 Are Political Party Structures Still Important? -- 5.1 Beyond the Party Central Office-Organisational Potential -- 5.2 Local Structures in the Eyes of Party Elites -- 5.3 Beyond Mass Media: The Communication Potential of Political Parties' Structures -- References -- 6 Political Party Membership Features -- 6.1 Legal Regulations Regarding Party Membership -- 6.2 Party Members' Profiles -- 6.3 Motivations for Joining Political Parties -- 6.4 Party Members' Activities -- 6.5 Internal Communication: Practices vs Members' Expectations -- References.

The character and role of membership in political parties have been varied in time (van Haute, 2011; Scarrow, 2015; Gauja, 2017), just as the parties themselves, their organizations and functions in political systems (e.g. Duverger, 1976; Kirkheimer, 1966; Mair, Katz, 1997; Katz, Mair, 2009). There are researchers suggesting that the importance of members for political parties and in campaigning has declined substantially. But does it mean that they have become irrelevant in this aspect? In the paper we look at the process of inter-electoral campaigning from the perspective of the rank-and-files of Polish political parties. There are three research questions in this article: (1) Do the rank-and-file members of Polish political parties see the functions of modern political parties in the aspect of permanent communication? (2) Do they engage in the parties' inter-electoral campaigns? (3) Do the assessments of party functions and performances, or the view about the role of the grassroots, correlate with the members' engagement in the campaigns of the parties? The data analyzed in the paper were taken from the research conducted in the project "Political parties and their social environment. An Analysis of the Organization and Communications Activities of Polish Political Parties"1. The analysis is based on the quantitative data (PAPI and CAWI) of the members of six Polish political parties (n=2,488).

"This book investigates Euroscepticism from below, from both the Right and the Left, from political parties and social movements in five countries in Europe: two candidate-countries for accession to the EU - North Macedonia and Bosnia Herzegovina, and three member states: Italy, Poland and Slovenia. With a mixed methods approach, it combines interviews, focus groups and content analyses of (online and offline) organizational documents and manifestos in each of the countries, to analyse and unpack a variety of narratives on Europe and the European integration process, at both party and social movement levels. Offering a comparison of the narratives surrounding Europe and the conceptualisation of Euroscepticism, including the identification of several paths of opposition this volume will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in the European Union, political and social movements and framing theory"--

European Narratives and Euroscepticism : an introduction -- Our cases : setting the context, Political and cultural opportunities for Eurosceptic narratives -- Poor EU contestation, external shocks and the rise of illiberalism in the Slovenian post-transition context -- If you scratch the surface : Euroscepticism in Poland -- From strong support to harsh opposition to the EU : the case of Italy -- To join or not to join? The case of North Macedonia -- Anticipating the (European) future while revisiting the (troubled) past : the case of Bosnia Herzegovina -- Conclusion : varieties of Euroscepticism.

"This book investigates Euroscepticism from below, from both the Right and the Left, from political parties and social movements in five countries in Europe: two candidate-countries for accession to the EU - North Macedonia and Bosnia Herzegovina, and three member states: Italy, Poland and Slovenia. With a mixed methods approach, it combines interviews, focus groups and content analyses of (online and offline) organizational documents and manifestos in each of the countries, to analyse and unpack a variety of narratives on Europe and the European integration process, at both party and social movement levels. Offering a comparison of the narratives surrounding Europe and the conceptualisation of Euroscepticism, including the identification of several paths of opposition this volume will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in the European Union, political and social movements and framing theory"--