Suchergebnisse

"Are we willing to grant this liberty to all men?" : ambivalence in the revolutionary era -- "The liberty of emancipating their slaves" : the practice of manumission, 1782-1806 -- "Deep-rooted prejudices" : race and the problem of emancipation, 1782-1806 -- "White Negroes" and "inchoate freedom" : life after manumission -- A "contest for power" : slavery and emancipation become political issues in the 1820s -- The "most momentous subject of public interest" : the public debate over slavery and emancipation, 1831-1832 -- Epilogue -- Appendix A : religion of manumitters in deeds of manumission whose religious affiliation could be identified -- Appendix B : petitions regarding slavery, emancipation, and colonization sent to the House of Delegates in 1831-1832

This article investigates, through the theory of social construction and policy design, the feedforward effects of labeling on policy conflicts. It argues that such conflicts escalate when policymakers distinguish between more and less deserving and more and less powerful segments of the population. It draws on the empirical analysis of 32 narrative interviews with vital stakeholders in the conflict over the contested multibillion‐euro Oosterweelconnection highway in Antwerp (Belgium), as well as on the media analysis of 739 articles. According to such analyses, Flemish policymakers became increasingly hostile toward action groups as the latter moved beyond conventional policy‐making procedure, labeling them as a powerful but undeserving "vocal minority." Meanwhile, they endorsed the Oosterweel policy, claiming that it represented an increasingly powerless but deserving "silent majority." However, labeling action groups as powerful but undeserving and consequently dismissing them resulted in the escalation of a substantive policy conflict to a relational policy conflict, which became increasingly difficult to settle as parties fought each other rather than fighting over policies.

A popular explanation for governments' persistent enthusiasm for evidence-based policymaking (EBPM) is its expected capacity to solve policy conflict. However, research is divided on whether or not EBPM actually has a positive impact on conflict. On the one hand, EBPM is said to introduce a set of principles that helps overcome political differences. Simultaneously, EBPM has been criticised for narrowing the space for democratic debate, fuelling the very conflict it is trying to prevent. This article explores how EBPM structures policy conflict by studying the example of Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) in policy processes through reconstructive interviews and ethnographic observations. It argues that, although EBPM channels conflict in a way that prompts engagement from stakeholders, it also escalates conflict by misrepresenting the nature of policy processes. As such, the findings suggest that managing process participants' expectations about what evidence is and can do is key in fostering productive policy conflict.

This article argues that the efforts of policy‐makers to avoid conflict in the short run can be counterproductive in the long run. Not only may policy‐makers fail to reap the benefits of conflicts when they try to steer clear, but conflict may actually increase rather than diminish. We study conflict through the conceptual lens of (de)politicization in the lengthy and highly contested policy‐making process over the multibillion‐euro 'Oosterweelconnection' highway in Antwerp (Belgium). An in‐depth media analysis of 739 articles is combined with data from 32 narrative interviews. We conclude that efforts to end public debate through depoliticization can have a boomerang effect, in which conflict disappears only temporarily, and that these efforts can ultimately increase conflict while wasting engagement and creativity. More attention to the productive aspects of conflict is needed in public administration literature and practice.

AbstractThis article investigates the relationship between policy conflict and trust‐erosion. It concludes that in a context of trust‐erosion, practices to deal with conflict may backfire and lead to further conflict escalation. The article draws on an in‐depth analysis of 32 interviews with key actors in the conflict over a contested multibillion‐euro highway project in Antwerp (Belgium). It concludes that while all actors draw on the policy repertoire of "managing public support" to explain the conflict, their perspectives of what it means for a policy to have public support differ. Practices to "manage public support" that made sense from one perspective, contributed to the erosion of trust from those holding a different perspective, thus further escalating the conflict. Practices intended to end conflict proved to be fatal remedies.

IntroductionSTAR/STELLA is a prospective[TS1] cohort of HIV patients initiated on LPV/r‐based ART in routine clinical practice. Here, virologic/immunologic outcomes and safety data of LPV/r‐based first‐line ART over a period of 144 weeks are presented.MethodsAnalysis included ART‐naïve patients who started on LPV/r before July 2011 (i.e. patients with ≥144 weeks since ART initiation). Safety evaluation included adverse events (AEs), discontinuations (disc.) due to AEs, and symptoms assessed with the self‐report ACTG Symptom Distress Module (ASDM; high score=high distress).Results1409 patients were included (84% men; 76% on TDF+FTC), with a large proportion in advanced stages of HIV disease at ART initiation: 48% had a CD4 count <200/µL, 55% had HIV RNA levels >100,000 c/mL. 53% of patients (n=746) remained on LPV/r for at least 144 weeks. Time on drug was longer for patients initiated before 2008 than in subsequent years (HRadj, 1.2; 95% CI, 1.0–1.4; p=0.04; hazard ratio adjusted for CD4 <200/µL and HIV RNA >100,000 c/mL). Main reasons for d/c were: AEs (19.3%), patient wish (9.2%), virologic/immunologic failure (4.1%), and noncompliance (2.8%); 1.6% of patients died. By week 144, 33% of patients had >750 CD4/µL (Kaplan–Meier estimate): time to CD4 count >750 c/ µL, stratified by BL CD4 count, is shown in Figure 1.ITT snapshot analysis of HIV RNA <50 c/mL at week 144 showed 51% responders (failure=d/c due to virologic/immunologic failure, AEs, noncompliance, death). In patients on LPV/r for 144 weeks, median CD4 change was +314/µL (IQR, 205–440/µL), 87% had HIV RNA levels <50 c/mL. In patients who discontinued therapy prior to week 144, 56% had an HIV RNA level <50 c/mL. In 51% of patients, ≥1 AE was reported (most commonly diarrhoea, 35%); 11% of patients had ≥1 AE of grade 3 or 4 (diarrhoea, 4.5%). In patients who remained on LPV/r based ART through 144 weeks, median ASDM score decreased significantly from 9 at BL (IQR, 3–21) to 2.5 at Week 144 (IQR, 0–8.5, p<0.001).ConclusionIn the STAR/STELLA observational cohort, LPV/r‐based ART demonstrated good virologic outcomes and immune recovery in ART‐naïve patients over 144 weeks, with significant improvements in symptom distress. Over three years, <5% of patients discontinued LPV/r due to virologic/immunologic failure, and 19% of patients discontinued for tolerability reasons.

Based on 143 case studies from Germany from 2005 to 2018, the paper presents findings from an evaluation of the Strategic Environmental Assessment's (SEA) effectiveness and efficiency in practice. The results show that SEA has a significant impact on planning. On the other hand, there are a number of deficits in its application. The study therefore develops design options for a more efficient and effective application. Most of the options can be realised through administrative-organisational measures; others require changes at the legal level. The paper is based on a research study commissioned by the German Environment Protection Agency.

Die Studie dient der wissenschaftlichen Evaluation der Praxis der Strategischen Umweltprüfung (SUP) in Deutschland. Maßstab der Evaluation sind die gesetzlichen Vorgaben des Gesetzes über die ⁠Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfung⁠ und weiterer Fachgesetze zur SUP. Neben der Untersuchung der positiven Wirksamkeit der SUP als gesetzliches Instrument der Umweltvorsorge wurden insbesondere auch Defizite ermittelt und Gestaltungsoptionen für einen effizienten und effektiven Vollzug aufgezeigt. Zur weiteren Optimierung der SUP-Praxis kommen administrativ-organisatorische Maßnahmen in Betracht, die im Bericht vorgestellt werden. Zudem werden punktuelle Änderungen auf gesetzlicher Ebene vorgeschlagen. Die Studie basiert auf der Untersuchung von 143 Fallstudien Strategischer Umweltprüfungen der Jahre 2005 bis 2018. Die Fallstudien aus den Bereichen Raumordnungsplanung, Bauleitplanung und Fachplanung repräsentieren einen breiten Querschnitt der SUP-Praxis in Deutschland.