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Collective memory, politics, and culture -- Victims and perpetrators : the view from the East -- Victims and perpetrators : the view from the West -- Collaboration and resistance : blood and redemption -- Division and unity : a revolutionary people unites itself -- Defeat and liberation : ending the war -- Conclusion -- Mourning, loss, and the difficulty of remembering -- Appendix: Charts and chart notes -- Filmography. - "How do individuals, societies, and nations deal with their difficult pasts? 'Getting history right' examines this question in a comparative context by looking at an authoritarian East Germany and a pluralistic, democratic West Germany. Eschewing a narrow focus on elites, this work draws extensively on societal level discussions of the past in popular culture, such as film, television, radio, and newspapers. It examines how societal level discussions of the past shaped individual perceptions and interpretations of the past; and how individual perceptions and struggles over the meaning of the past shaped societal level discussions. These struggles over meaning and 'getting history right' are not only shaped by political power, but are also a source of symbolic power"--Page 4 of cover

Collective memory research examines how the process of individual memory formation is a social and collective experience, rather than one that is wholly psychological and individual. The stories that societies tell about themselves are an important part of this process, as they seek to socialize new members into the national community. But sometimes that national history is very difficult to deal with. Most collective memory research is based on a single case study approach. What is lacking in collective memory research, although not absent, are broader comparative studies. This article develops a general model for the process of collective memory formation, which I can then use in my ongoing empirical research into how several different authoritarian and democratic societies with Eastern and Western cultural traditions have dealt with their violent histories. The cases include Germany (East and West), Japan, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Spain. In this article, I develop a general model of collective memory formation while drawing upon these five cases to illustrate different points. While democratic societies have a greater potential for dealing more fully with their difficult histories, it is far from guaranteed that they will do so.

Collective memory research examines how the process of individual memory formation is a social and collective experience, rather than one that is wholly psychological and individual. The stories that societies tell about themselves are an important part of this process, as they seek to socialize new members into the national community. But sometimes that national history is very difficult to deal with. Most collective memory research is based on a single case study approach. What is lacking in collective memory research, although not absent, are broader comparative studies. This article develops a general model for the process of collective memory formation, which I can then use in my ongoing empirical research into how several different authoritarian and democratic societies with Eastern and Western cultural traditions have dealt with their violent histories. The cases include Germany (East and West), Japan, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Spain. In this article, I develop a general model of collective memory formation while drawing upon these five cases to illustrate different points. While democratic societies have a greater potential for dealing more fully with their difficult histories, it is far from guaranteed that they will do so. Adapted from the source document.

Collective memory research examines how the process of individual memory formation is a social and collective experience, rather than one that is wholly psychological and individual. The stories that societies tell about themselves are an important part of this process, as they seek to socialize new members into the national community. But sometimes that national history is very difficult to deal with. Most collective memory research is based on a single case study approach. What is lacking in collective memory research, although not absent, are broader comparative studies. This article develops a general model for the process of collective memory formation, which I can then use in my ongoing empirical research into how several different authoritarian and democratic societies with Eastern and Western cultural traditions have dealt with their violent histories. The cases include Germany (East and West), Japan, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Spain. In this article, I develop a general model of collective memory formation while drawing upon these five cases to illustrate different points. While democratic societies have a greater potential for dealing more fully with their difficult histories, it is far from guaranteed that they will do so. Adapted from the source document.

Although democratic theorists recognize an independent media as central to the proper functioning of democratic institutions, democratic governments often exploit their citizens' faith in that independence to generate popular support or at least acquiescence for government policies. This article uses the examples of Operation Horseshoe and the fighting at Račak and Rugovo during the Kosovo conflict of 1998 and 1999 to illustrate how democratic governments in the US and Germany attempted to manipulate public perceptions of the Kosovo conflict to justify the 1999 war. The study reviews over 100 newspaper articles, found in the Lexis-Nexis database, and numerous scholarly articles to trace the development of these specific narratives. The article shows the construction of two illusions: the illusion of multiple sources and the illusion of independent confirmation. In the end, these `truths' and frameworks filter into scholarship, as many scholars begin to base their interpretations on these `facts'.

Obwohl in der Theorie die Existenz unabhängiger Medien als zentrale Voraussetzung für das angemessenen Funktionieren demokratischer Institutionen anerkannt ist, neigen demokratische Regierungen oft dazu, das Vertrauen ihrer Bürger in diese Unabhängigkeit mit dem Ziel der Erzeugung öffentlicher Unterstützung oder wenigstens Duldung der Regierungspolitik auszubeuten. Der Beitrag illustriert an den Beispielen der?Operation Hufeisen? und der Kämpfe um Racak und Rugovo während des Kosovokonflikts von 1998 und 1999 wie demokratische Regierungen in den USA und Deutschland versuchten, die öffentliche Wahrnehmung des Kosovokonflikts zu manipulieren, mit dem Ziel, den Krieg von 1999 zu rechtfertigen. Die Studie untersucht mehr als 100 Zeitungsartikel aus der Lexis-Nexis- Datenbasis und zahlreiche wissenschaftliche Artikel um der Entwicklung dieser spezifischen Narrative auf die Spur zu kommen. Dabei zeigt er die Konstruktion zweier Illusionen auf: die Illusion vielfältiger Quellen und die Illusion ihrer unabhängigen Bestätigung. Am Ende fließen diese "Wahrheiten" in die Wissenschaft ein und viele Wissenschaftler gründen ihre Interpretationen auf diese "Fakten". (UNübers.) (UN)