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The role of anti-drunken-driving social movement organizations (SMOs) in creating legislative change was examined through analysis of survey, economic, & demographic data related to passage in 1985 of state laws raising the drinking age to 21. The legislative impact deriving from six characteristics of SMOs are discussed: resources, age, coverage, level of activity & emphasis on pursuing particular goals, legitimacy, & network characteristics. SMO focus on legislative activity & group legitimacy, including such variables as president's victim (of drunk driving) status & % of victim membership were significantly related to probability of passage of age 21 legislation. SMO age, size, & revenues had no significant relationship with legislative impact. The political context of the movement against drinking & driving is discussed. 1 Table, 61 References. Adapted from the source document.

WAR IS CARRIED OUT EVEN IN "PEACETIME" BY EXERTING ECONOMIC PRESSURE IN THE FORM OF FORCED DETERRING EXPENDITURE AS WELL AS BY MILITARY THREAT. PEACE CAN ACHIEVED ONLY BY CONSIDERING BOTH ECONOMIC AND MILITARY ARMS CONTROL. IN THIS PAPER, DISARMAMENT AND ITS VERIFICATION BY FISCAL CONTROL ARE STUDIED AS A MEANS OF NEGOTIATING A REDUCTION AND ELIMINATION OF BOTH DIMENSIONS OF WAR. THIS IS FIRST DONE UNDER SIMPLIFYING ASSUMPTIONS, BUT THEN IS FOLLOWED BY AN ANALYSIS OF THE COMPLETE THEORY OF ECONOMIC AND MILITARY INTERACTIONS.

OBJECTIVES: To determine the extent and nature of local ordinances to regulate tobacco sales to minors, the level of enforcement of local and state laws concerning tobacco availability to minors, and sanctions applied as a result of enforcement. DESIGN: Tobacco control ordinances were collected in 1993 from 222 of the 229 cities greater than or equal to 2000 population in Minnesota, United States. In addition a telephone survey with the head of the agency responsible for enforcement of the tobacco ordinances was conducted. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Presence or absence of legislative provisions dealing with youth and tobacco, including licensure of tobacco retailers, sanctions for selling tobacco products to minors, and restrictions on cigarette vending machines, self-service merchandising, and point-of-purchase advertising; and enforcement of these laws (use of inspections and "sting" operations, and sanctions imposed on businesses and minors). RESULTS: Almost 94% of cities required tobacco licences for retailers. However, 57% of the cities specified licences for cigarettes only. Annual licence fees ranged from $10 to $250, with the higher fees adopted in the previous four years. More than 25% of the cities had adopted some kind of restriction on cigarette vending machines, but only six communities had banned self-service cigarette displays. Three cities specified a minimum age for tobacco sales staff. Fewer than 25% of police officials reported having conducted compliance checks with minors or in-store observations of tobacco sales to determine if minors were being sold tobacco during the current year. Police carrying out compliance checks with youth were almost four times as likely to issue citations as those doing in-store observations. More than 90% of police reported enforcement of the law against tobacco purchase or possession by minors, and nearly 40% reported application of penalties against minors. CONCLUSIONS: Almost 75% of the cities have done nothing to change policies or enforcement practices to ...

Qualitative data on enforcement of the minimum drinking age in the United States were obtained through in depth interviews with law enforcement officers in May and June 1992. Interviews were conducted with 37 supervisory and line law enforcement personnel in 15 city and county law enforcement agencies in four States. The selected agencies had varying levels of enforcement as measured by arrest rates. Interviews focused on the social and political context of enforcement of the drinking age, constraints to enforcement, and officers' recommendations for improving enforcement efforts. Officers generally perceive an acceptance of youth drinking by many segments of their communities, and they do not receive significant encouragement from community members to increase enforcement efforts. Political factors are thought to play some role in determining enforcement levels, especially in sheriffs' departments. Reported constraints on enforcement of the minimum drinking age include resource limitations, a number of practical problems, perceptions that punishments are inadequate, time and effort required for processing and paperwork, and the low status accorded enforcement of the minimum drinking age. Officers report facing a number of evidentiary and procedural challenges. Officers suggested a number of ways in which enforcement of the minimum drinking age could be improved.

The Canadian Partnership Against Cancer was created in 2007 by the federal government to accelerate cancer control across Canada. Its OncoSim microsimulation model platform, which consists of a suite of specific cancer models, was conceived as a tool to augment conventional resources for population-level policy- and decision-making. The Canadian Partnership Against Cancer manages the OncoSim program, with funding from Health Canada and model development by Statistics Canada.