Immigrants & American civic institutions -- Mexican & Chinese immigrants in two cities -- Institutional mobilization in an era of local party decline -- The role of community organizations in immigrant political mobilization -- Multiple immigrant identities & community organizations -- Mobilization of Latinos & Asian Americans evidence from survey data -- Revitalizing civic institutions in immigrant communities long-term strategies -- Institutional mobilization in a transnational context -- Conclusion: American civic institutions & immigrant mobilization at the dawn of the twenty-first century
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AbstractThis paper highlights differences in evangelical identity and its association with political attitudes across racial groups. It finds that White evangelicals hold more conservative views than Black, Latinx, and Asian American evangelicals, despite similar levels of religiosity. White evangelicals' more conservative political attitudes are driven by a sense of in-group embattlement, or the idea that their group faces as much or more discrimination as persecuted outgroups. This sense of in-group embattlement is distinct from the effects of economic resources, economic anxiety, partisanship, region (South) and generalized conservative outlook. The paper draws on survey data collected in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 election.
In this essay, I contend that one can understand neither the development of mass action among contemporary immigrants, nor the sporadic nature of that action, without attending to the historic role of parties and community-based organizations in shaping immigrants' political mobilization. I draw connections between the mass immigrant-rights demonstrations that took place during the spring of 2006 and what we know about how immigrants' political participation in the United States is structured by (1) the declining influence of political parties, and (2) the critical function of community-based organizations. These organizations were the focus of my recent book,Democracy's Promise: Immigrants and American Civic Institutions(2006). Why haven't activists been able to sustain the momentum that brought hundreds of thousands of immigrants and their supporters out into the streets during the spring of 2006? Although they, along with the Spanish-language media, played a critical role in organizing mass demonstrations against punitive immigration legislation in early 2006, labor organizations, workers' centers, advocacy and social service organizations, ethnic voluntary associations, and religious institutions face severe constraints in terms of engaging in sustained, consistent political mobilization and, therefore, mainly achieve limited mobilization. However, voter registration data from the National Association of Latino Elected Officials suggest that the demonstrations may have spurred interest in more traditional types of political participation among immigrants and their supporters. Thus, while it is true that, for the most part, political participation does not take place overnight, there may be ways for U.S. civic institutions to speed up that process through direct mobilization and the provision of information that helps immigrants to feel more comfortable and confident taking part in the political system. Trusted community-based institutions represent a vital potential force in promoting political inclusion for immigrant newcomers who contribute to so many other aspects of American life.
Immigration, religion, and conservative politics in the United States -- Racial divides in evangelical politics -- Community boundaries and perceptions of in-group embattlement: mechanisms driving variations in political attitudes among evangelicals -- Immigration trends and evangelical communities -- The persistence of the right in an era of demographic change
AbstractWhite evangelicals constitute the core of President Trump's electoral base. The loyalty of White evangelical Trump supporters to the President is grounded in racial anxieties expressed well before Trump's 2016 campaign. White evangelicals' anti-immigration agenda runs deep, and it is as important to understanding the current political moment as their anti-abortion agenda. Perceptions of discrimination against Whites drives the group's conservative views on immigration. Even as growing numbers of Black, Asian, and Latinx evangelicals exhibit political attitudes and behavior that stand in sharp contrast to their White evangelical counterparts, White evangelicals' overrepresentation in the electorate relative to dwindling population share creates a pathway to continued political influence.
AbstractTogether, Asian American and Latino evangelicals constitute about 13% of all evangelicals in the United States. This proportion is surely going to increase as new immigrants enter the United States from Asia and Latin America and the number of White evangelicals remains steady or even falls. But the extent and nature of the effects of evangelical identity on the political attitudes of growing numbers of Latinos and Asian Americans have not been studied systematically. This article aims to fill that gap by comparing the effects of evangelical identity on political attitudes across a range of groups to better address the conditional effects of religious identity on political orientations in an increasingly diverse context. The primary research question driving the study is does born-again identity play a consistent role across racial groups in determining political attitudes?
This study examines the effects of mobilization on political participation among Asian Americans. It focuses on whether telephone calls and mail increase voter turnout among Asian Americans who live in high-density Asian American areas in Los Angeles County. Prior to the November 5, 2002, elections, a randomized voter mobilization field experiment was conducted. Lists of registered Asian Americans (Chinese, Korean, Indian, Filipino, and Japanese) were randomly assigned to treatment and control groups. A few days before Election Day, the treatment group received a phone call or postcard encouraging them to vote. After the election, voter turnout records were reviewed to compare turnout rates for the treatment and control groups. Multivariate analysis shows that telephone calls and mail increase voter turnout for Asian Americans.
