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Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- About the Author -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1. Immigration, Religion, and Conservative Politics in the United States -- Chapter 2. Racial Divides in Evangelical Politics -- Chapter 3. Community Boundaries and Perceptions of In-group Embattlement: The Mechanisms Driving Variations in Political Attitudes Among Evangelicals -- Chapter 4. Immigration Trends and Evangelical Communities -- Chapter 5. Conclusion: The Persistence of the Right in an Era of Demographic Change -- Appendix: 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey -- Notes -- References -- Index

AbstractWhite evangelicals constitute the core of President Trump's electoral base. The loyalty of White evangelical Trump supporters to the President is grounded in racial anxieties expressed well before Trump's 2016 campaign. White evangelicals' anti-immigration agenda runs deep, and it is as important to understanding the current political moment as their anti-abortion agenda. Perceptions of discrimination against Whites drives the group's conservative views on immigration. Even as growing numbers of Black, Asian, and Latinx evangelicals exhibit political attitudes and behavior that stand in sharp contrast to their White evangelical counterparts, White evangelicals' overrepresentation in the electorate relative to dwindling population share creates a pathway to continued political influence.

AbstractTogether, Asian American and Latino evangelicals constitute about 13% of all evangelicals in the United States. This proportion is surely going to increase as new immigrants enter the United States from Asia and Latin America and the number of White evangelicals remains steady or even falls. But the extent and nature of the effects of evangelical identity on the political attitudes of growing numbers of Latinos and Asian Americans have not been studied systematically. This article aims to fill that gap by comparing the effects of evangelical identity on political attitudes across a range of groups to better address the conditional effects of religious identity on political orientations in an increasingly diverse context. The primary research question driving the study is does born-again identity play a consistent role across racial groups in determining political attitudes?

This study examines the effects of mobilization on political participation among Asian Americans. It focuses on whether telephone calls and mail increase voter turnout among Asian Americans who live in high-density Asian American areas in Los Angeles County. Prior to the November 5, 2002, elections, a randomized voter mobilization field experiment was conducted. Lists of registered Asian Americans (Chinese, Korean, Indian, Filipino, and Japanese) were randomly assigned to treatment and control groups. A few days before Election Day, the treatment group received a phone call or postcard encouraging them to vote. After the election, voter turnout records were reviewed to compare turnout rates for the treatment and control groups. Multivariate analysis shows that telephone calls and mail increase voter turnout for Asian Americans.

This study examines the effects of mobilization on political participation among Asian Americans. It focuses on whether telephone calls & mail increase voter turnout among Asian Americans who live in high-density Asian American areas in Los Angeles County. Prior to the November 5, 2002, elections, a randomized voter mobilization field experiment was conducted. Lists of registered Asian Americans (Chinese, Korean, Indian, Filipino, & Japanese) were randomly assigned to treatment & control groups. A few days before Election Day, the treatment group received a phone call or postcard encouraging them to vote. After the election, voter turnout records were reviewed to compare turnout rates for the treatment & control groups. Multivariate analysis shows that telephone calls & mail increase voter turnout for Asian Americans. 5 Tables, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 19 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2005 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

We begin our review with research related to the racial formation and racial position of Asian Americans. How we define this fast-growing group and how it is situated in the broader racial landscape are critical to understanding its politics. We then turn to research on the history of Asian American civic engagement. These two research areas provide important context for the rest of the review, which covers three additional themes: ( a) political participation; ( b) partisanship, vote choice, and issue orientations; and ( c) political representation. The last section returns to the theme of racial position, including its role in contemporary Asian American activism and its centrality to future research in the field.

This article seeks to understand civic participation among Asians and Latinos in a multiethnic, multiracial context. We investigate the usefulness of an expanded model of civic engagement, one that makes central factors related to migration, such as length of residence, language acquisition, and citizenship, for groups that include a large number of immigrants. The 1992–1994 Los Angeles Survey of Urban Inequality allows us to test a model of civic participation that incorporates variables previously neglected – migration-related factors, but also multiracial contexts and interracial ties – to better explain participation differences among a diverse population.

The growth of religiously unaffiliated voters has been noted for some time, but the political consequences of this trend are much less certain. Extant scholarship makes clear that in terms of vote choice, partisanship, and ideology, the group as a whole tends to diverge from those who affiliate with a religious tradition. This article examines whether the politics of the religiously unaffiliated differ across racial groups as it does among the religious. To investigate the role of race among the nonreligious, we analyze racial differences in vote choice and political attitudes among the nonreligious. Relying on the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post‐Election Survey, as well as other survey data, we demonstrate that there are important variations across race when it comes to the politics of the religiously unaffiliated. When it comes to vote choice, partisanship, and certain deeply racialized policy issues Whites who are religiously unaffiliated demonstrate more conservative positions. But, on other policy issues that are racialized, but less obviously so, Whites tend to be more progressive than their religiously unaffiliated non‐White counterparts. As such, we argue that one cannot understand the political impact of the growing religiously unaffiliated in the United States without attention to race.

Scholars of minority political participation have shown significant interest in unraveling the complex but crucial role of group-basedresources. Although there is an emerging scholarship on Latinos, much of the work on group consciousness, group identity, and ethnic organizations is based on research on Black Americans. Increasing diversity in the United States brings necessary attention to expanding the model to the politics and participation of other non-White, multiethnic, and immigrant majority communities. Using a new and unique dataset designed to tap the political opinion and behavior of Asian Americans, the authors find that the usefulness of group-based resources for this rapidly expanding and heterogeneous population is contingent on the specific form of the resources and the mode of political participation.