AbstractWe argue for the potential for needs assessment and sentence planning to transcend their core justice functions and set the tone for effective engagement between probation supervisee and supervisor. We draw on lived experience – analysis of interview and observational data from probation supervisors and supervisees, collected during the testing of a new needs assessment and sentence planning tool which aims to integrate the risk, needs, responsivity (RNR) model with desistance principles. After testing the findings against established models and principles of effective engagement, counter‐intuitively, we found that: disagreement can lead to agreement and more effective engagement. Additionally, that attention should be paid to the potential for the physical case management and supervision environment to positively influence the needs assessment and sentence planning process. These and the other findings have implications for policy and practice in the United Kingdom and other jurisdictions where probation is a core criminal justice function.
This paper shows that, in Taiwan, political cleavage based on class (class cleavage) has developed since the beginning of the new millennium due to the increasingly important issue of cross-Strait economic integration. Class groups with more skills that benefit from this integration and the less skilled who are harmed by it are polarized into two opposite camps. Responding to these class groups, the two major political camps in Taiwan incorporate this issue into their political platforms. The pan-Blue coalition urges further cross-Strait economic integration, while the pan-Green coalition holds the opposite view. Using the datasets of the Taiwan Social Change Survey, this paper demonstrates that in the 2001 and 2004 legislative elections as well as in the 2004 presidential election, class groups oriented in favor of cross-Strait economic integration have allied with the pan-Blue coalition, while the opposing class groups support the pan-Green coalition. Adapted from the source document.
1. Introduction -- 2. Current challenges for criminal justice policy -- 3. What is justice reinvestment? -- 4. Theorising justice reinvestment -- 5. Data analysis and justice mapping -- 6. Economic methods -- 7. Using evidence and negotiating politics -- 8. Towards a new theory of justice reinvestment -- 9. Applications of a new theory of justice reinvestment -- 10. Conclusion.
Zugriffsoptionen:
Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
"Rising prison numbers on both sides of the Atlantic are cause for concern. Justice Reinvestment is a major movement in criminal justice reform in the US that is also attracting lots of interest in the UK. Justice Reinvestment is an approach to addressing the penal crisis that uses the best available evidence to re-direct resources to more effective rehabilitation of offenders and better 'prehabilitation'. It takes a more holistic view of criminal justice and is particularly concerned to address the community dimensions of offending and re-offending. The authors highlight competing models of Justice Reinvestment and argue for a more radical version in which criminal justice reform is seen as part of a wider social justice reform programme. This is the first substantial publication on Justice Reinvestment and shows that 'Justice Reinvestment' has huge potential to re-shape the criminal justice system. It will be essential reading for undergraduate and post-graduate students with an interest in criminal justice reform. Practitioners and policy-makers working in the criminal justice system in the US and the UK will also value the fresh perspective it brings to criminal justice reform and its breadth of coverage including insights into the penal crisis, different models of Justice Reinvestment, the use of criminal justice data and research evidence in re-designing criminal justice services and new approaches to commissioning."--Publisher's website
AbstractThis article proposes the development of a distinct offender engagement model for voluntary and community sector agencies, recognising the contribution of: reciprocity, reliability, consistency, and emotional pleasure, to effective offender engagement. Drawing on empirical data from users of a voluntary sector programme in England for young adults, this article makes an original contribution to the evidence base by: identifying the key elements (within the programme) of effective engagement with offenders; seeing how this relates to the National Offender Management Service (NOMS) engaging practitioner model and companion literature review and considers the implications for voluntary sector criminal justice policy and practice.
This article examines the possible negative impacts of two East Asian traditional values—the notion of paternalistic meritocracy and the instrumental perception of ideal political arrangements—on popular support for democracy in Hong Kong and East Asian societies. Based on data drawn from various surveys, East Asians are found to be quite attached to paternalistic meritocracy and democratic instrumentalism. Comparatively, Hong Kong people are less inclined to perceive democracy in a procedural way although they are less attached to paternalistic meritocracy. Regression analysis demonstrates a negative correlation between these two values, with a preference for democracy. (CIJ/GIGA)
Localism has been conventionally regarded as a major determinant of public support for Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement in 2019. The empirical evidence of the article did not provide support for such a reading. It found that localist orientation was positively correlated with supportive attitude towards the movement, but not correlated with supportive action for the movement, implying that localism had only limited power to motivate Hong Kong citizens to participate in the movement activities. On the other hand, negative attitudes towards Mainland China were found to have contributed to both supportive attitude towards and action for the movement. Localism and antiMainland China sentiments are not equivalent. It gives rise to confusion to label the movement a localist social movement based solely on its antiMainland elements. (J Contemp China / GIGA)