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Les enjeux de l'identité dans les relations UE-Chine Dans cet article nous montrerons qu'au-delà des questions de compétitions commerciales, les identités et différences civilisationnelles permettent de comprendreles alternances qui caractérisent les relations de coopération et de conflit entre l'UE et la Chine. Or nous relevons que l'identité de ces deux ensembles connaît des évolutions permanentes. Du fait d'un rôle de plus en plus important dans le système international, la Chine tend à réévaluer son identité et ses préférences, via des choix valorisant ou écartant certains symboles de son identité passée et présente. Dans cette transition la faisant passer d'un pays en voie de développement à un membre important du système international, la Chine a connu une révolution dans l'image qu'elle se donne d'elle-même. De son côté, l'UE a connu une extension d'une communauté de neuf démocraties occidentales semblables à une Union de vingt-sept pays divers en 2007. Désirant développer une présence européenne distincte dans les affaires mondiales à travers le principe d'une « puissance normative », l'Europe entre en collision avec la Chine. Ces changements d'identité ont des conséquences importantes au niveau des interactions politiques. En d'autres termes, nous considérons que ces contextes de transformations identitaires pèsent sur les relations entre l'Union européenne et la Chine. Tant la Chine que l'UE semblent vouloir continuer à répondre l'un à l'autre selon les besoins et les demandes de leurs populations respectives et en fonction des espérances externes placées en eux en tant qu'acteurs importants dans la politique internationale que ce soit sur le terrain de la diplomatie, de l'économie, du commerce, de la finance et de la sécurité.

This study examines the record of French and EU interactions with China, Japan and Vietnam in the areas of economic exchanges, political security relations and human rights to establish if there has been a trend of converging 'European' politics and collective European conceptions of interest and identity. It argues that the utility and impact of EU institutions on French foreign policy behaviour is more significant than is commonly imagined or admitted, and that foreign policies of EU member states tend over the long term towards convergence.

National and European Foreign Policy explores the processes of interaction between the national and the European levels in foreign policy making in European Union states. The volume also assesses the mutual influence which the Member States exert on each other, independent of the EU institutions, thus tracing the extent to which Member State foreign policies are being Europeanized into more convergent, coordinated policies. With chapters examining France, Germany, Italy, UK, Denmark, Greece, Spain, Finland, Poland and Slovenia, the overarching questions the volume addresses centre on the nature of the relationship between the foreign policies of the Member States and 'European' foreign policy. Engaging with 'Europeanization' with theoretical rigour, the contributors to this volume examine the EU's impact on the foreign policies of Member States old and new, the impact of the Member States on the EU's external relations, and the influence of the Member States on each other's foreign policies. Providing interesting detail on changes in foreign policy thinking and national policies using the concept of Europeanization, National and European Foreign Policy will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics and policy formation, foreign policy and International Relations.

National and European Foreign Policy explores the processes of interaction between the national and the European levels in foreign policy making in European Union states. The volume also assesses the mutual influence which the Member States exert on each other, independent of the EU institutions, thus tracing the extent to which Member State foreign policies are being Europeanized into more convergent, coordinated policies. With chapters examining France, Germany, Italy, UK, Denmark, Greece, Spain, Finland, Poland and Slovenia, the overarching questions the volume addresses centre on the nature of the relationship between the foreign policies of the Member States and 'European' foreign policy. Engaging with 'Europeanization' with theoretical rigour, the contributors to this volume examine the EU's impact on the foreign policies of Member States old and new, the impact of the Member States on the EU's external relations, and the influence of the Member States on each other's foreign policies. Providing interesting detail on changes in foreign policy thinking and national policies using the concept of Europeanization, National and European Foreign Policy will be of interest to students and scholars of European politics and policy formation, foreign policy and International Relations.

Summary
Diversity and its management have become an issue in all organisations. Ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs) do not escape the issue. In the 2000s, states decided to consider more ethnic diversity in the recruitment of their diplomats. In some countries, this new goal requires affirmative action programs. This article is based on three case studies. The first case study analyses two Western countries — France and Norway — where MFAs have to reflect the diversity of immigration in their societies. The second case study analyses the case of Brazil, a country where the legacy of slavery still causes discrimination in the recruitment of diplomats. The third case study analyses ethnic diversity in the MFAs of India and Singapore, which recognise multiculturalism or multiracialism. The study draws five comparative conclusions to generalise on why MFAs in the world cannot escape the challenge of ethnic diversity in their recruitment policy.

Diversity and its management have become an issue in all organisations. Ministriesof foreign affairs (MFAs) do not escape the issue. In the 2000s, states decided to considermore ethnic diversity in the recruitment of their diplomats. In some countries,this new goal requires affirmative action programs. This article is based on three casestudies. The first case study analyses two Western countries — France and Norway —where MFAs have to reflect the diversity of immigration in their societies. The secondcase study analyses the case of Brazil, a country where the legacy of slavery stillcauses discrimination in the recruitment of diplomats. The third case study analysesethnic diversity in the MFAs of India and Singapore, which recognise multiculturalismor multiracialism. The study draws five comparative conclusions to generaliseon why MFAs in the world cannot escape the challenge of ethnic diversity in theirrecruitmentpolicy.