"This book argues that using social capital to eradicate poverty is less likely to succeed because the mainstream neoinstitutional approach mistakenly assumes that social capital necessarily benefits poor people. This inadequacy calls for a re-assessment of human motivations, institutional dynamics and structural complexity in social capital building. Using ethnographic and participatory methods, this book calls for an exploration of 'unseen' social capital which is intended to challenge the mainstream understanding of 'seen' social capital. As such this book is useful to policy makers and practitioners"--Publisher's description
Community-based development has been criticized for its inadequate understanding of power relationships at the local level, which thus leaves room for elite capture. This paper compares and contrasts two case studies, both of which take power seriously in their institutional designs. The solar home system in Bangladesh, represents the 'counter-elite' approach and explicitly excludes local elites from the decision-making process. The trans-boundary water governance project in Ghana, in contrast, adopts the 'co-opt-elite' approach and deliberately absorbs local elites into the water committee. This paper suggests that, while the - counter-elite - approach is not necessarily effective in challenging elite domination, because of the structural asset dependence of poor people on the elites, the 'co-opt-elite' approach risks legitimizing the authority of the elites and worsening poverty by implementing 'anti-poor' policies. This paper concludes that the success of dealing with elite capture lies in the flexible use of the 'counter-elite' and 'co-opt-elite' approaches together with the need to secure alternative livelihoods and to achieve empowerment with the poor.
This is a conference paper. ; This paper challenges the World Bank's sustainable water management framework. Drawing upon case studies in the developing world, this paper demonstrates how to build a more socially-informed model by incorporating human values into water governance and seeking a deeper understanding of social context and cultural diversity. This paper highlights the need to achieve water sustainability without undermining the social networks and livelihoods of poor people. Successful water interventions depend on our understanding of: (1) history and culture of social relations; (2) existing cooperative relations that shape water participation; (3) people's livelihood priorities; (4) individuals' preferred institutional environment; (5) the interplay between new and old institutions through which people get access to resources and exercise agency.
Abstract Analysis of the writings of Kuang Qizhao and other Chinese self-strengtheners suggests that their emphasis on promoting education before democracy and continuing to endorse classical Confucianism were not signs of a retrograde kind of conservatism, but an entirely rational decision based on the actual experiences of late Qing observers of 19th Century American democracy. Observing the U.S. Congress's passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, Chinese officials observed the real dangers of demagogue led populism without an educated, moral citizenry and the apparent importance of Christianity to creating the moral foundation for an effective modern society. For Kuang, Confucianism was equivalent to Christianity to establish that moral basis, and not a conservative desire to preserve the old social order. Kuang would pass on his thoughts to some of China's most important reformers and officials on his return home, suggesting he and the officials he associated with had a more realistic and sophisticated understanding of American society and democracy than is currently assumed.
AbstractTheGuangbao, published in Guangzhou between 1886 and 1891, was one of China's earliest native-owned newspapers, with a circulation three times larger than theXunhuan Ribao. The newspaper, founded by Kuang Qizhao, provides important information on the ideas that were circulating at the time in Guangzhou, a place where a number of reformers were beginning to formulate their thoughts. The newspaper may have sown some of the seeds for the nationalism that would become a powerful force after the Sino-Japanese War. TheGuangbaoprotested against the mistreatment of overseas Chinese and printed stories recommending retaliation against Americans. It opposed Western imperialism, advocated a strong national defence, and even suggested annexing Korea. However, the newspaper was not xenophobic and tried to encourage good relations between Chinese and foreigners in China. Unlike future political newspapers, theGuangbaocontinued to support the existing political system—not because of fear or ignorance, but because of a sense that democracy may not have been appropriate for China at this time. Although Kuang was not a supporter of many Neo-Confucian traditions or beliefs, because he equated Confucian morality with Christian morality, and morality was needed to combat corruption, theGuangbaoemphasized Confucian moral training.The newspaper also served as a platform to promote reform ideas. Kuang carefully picked ideas that he felt were appropriate for China, including: free universal and specialized education, women's rights, economic nationalism/industrialization/business, free trade, entrepreneurship through patent and copyright protection, support for the common people versus corrupt officials, and philanthropy.
