Suchergebnisse

Cuando una organización armada comete frecuentes violaciones, a menudo se considera que se trata de una estrategia de guerra. Pero en algunos casos, las violaciones asociadas a un conflicto se podrían interpretar mejor como una práctica, es decir, un tipo de violencia que no ha sido adoptado explícitamente como política por la organización, pero que es tolerada por los comandantes. En este artículo, la tipología de la violación relacionada con el conflicto examina no solo las relaciones verticales entre los comandantes (principales) y combatientes (agentes), sino también las interacciones sociales horizontales entre los combatientes. Analiza en qué casos es probable que la violación sea una práctica prevalente, enfocándose no solo en las normas y creencias de género de los combatientes, sino también en la forma en que estas son transformadas por los procesos sociales de las organizaciones. Como conclusión, sugiero que esta tipología es relevante para el análisis de todas las formas de violencia política, y también para los fiscales, defensores de derechos y los encargados de diseñar políticas sobre violaciones relacionadas con el conflicto.

When rape by an armed organization occurs frequently, it is often said to be a strategy of war. But some cases of conflict-related rape are better understood as a practice, violence that has not been explicitly adopted as organization policy but is nonetheless tolerated by commanders. The typology of conflict-related rape in this article emphasizes not only vertical relationships between commanders (principals) and combatants (agents) but also the horizontal social interactions among combatants. It analyzes when rape is likely to be prevalent as a practice, emphasizing not only gendered norms and beliefs of the society from which combatants come but also how those might be transformed by the organization's socialization processes. In the conclusion, I suggest that the typology is relevant for analysts of all forms of of political violence and also for prosecutors, policy advocates, and policymakers concerned with conflict-related rape.

AbstractScholars increasingly document different forms of conflict-related sexual violence, their distinct causes, and their sharply varying deployment by armed organizations. In this paper, I first summarize recent research on this variation, emphasizing findings that contradict or complicate popular beliefs. I then discuss distinct interpretations of the claim that such violence is part of a continuum of violence between peace and war. After analyzing recent research on the internal dynamics of armed organizations, I suggest that widespread rape often occurs as a practice rather than as a strategy. Finally, I advance some principles to guide policy in light of recent research.

Little attention has been paid to the social processes of civil war —the transformations of social actors, structures, norms, and practices— that sometimes leave enduring legacies for the postwar period. In this article, I explore the changes wrought by six social processes: political mobilization, military socialization, polarization of social identities, militarization of local authority, transformation of gender roles, and fragmentation of the local political economy. Some of these social processes occur in peacetime, but war may radically change their pace, direction, or consequences, with perhaps irreversible effects. I trace the wide variation in these processes during the wars in four countries: Peru, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, and Sierra Leone. I analyze the effects of these processes as transformations into social networks. These processes reconfigure social networks in a variety of ways, creating new networks, dissolving some, and changing the structure of others. ; Se ha prestado poca atención a los procesos sociales de la guerra civil –la transformación de actores sociales, estructuras, normas, y prácticas- que a veces dejan legados duraderos para el periodo de la posguerra. En este artículo exploro los cambios originados por seis procesos sociales: la movilización política, la socialización militar, la polarización de identidades sociales, la militarización de la autoridad local, la transformación de los roles de género, y la fragmentación de la economía política local. Algunos de estos procesos sociales ocurren en tiempos de paz, pero la guerra puede cambiar radicalmente su ritmo, dirección, o consecuencias, con efectos tal vez irreversibles. Rastreo la amplia variación en estos procesos durante las guerras en cuatro países: Perú, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, y Sierra Leona. Analizo los efectos de estos procesos como transformaciones de las redes sociales que las reconfiguran de maneras variadas: crean nuevas redes, disuelven algunas, y cambian la estructura de otras.

Se ha prestado poca atención a los procesos sociales de la guerra civil –la transformación de actores sociales, estructuras, normas, y prácticas- que a veces dejan legados duraderos para el periodo de la posguerra. En este artículo exploro los cambios originados por seis procesos sociales: la movilización política, la socialización militar, la polarización de identidades sociales, la militarización de la autoridad local, la transformación de los roles de género, y la fragmentación de la economía política local. Algunos de estos procesos sociales ocurren en tiempos de paz, pero la guerra puede cambiar radicalmente su ritmo, dirección, o consecuencias, con efectos tal vez irreversibles. Rastreo la amplia variación en estos procesos durante las guerras en cuatro países: Perú, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, y Sierra Leona. Analizo los efectos de estos procesos como transformaciones de las redes sociales que las reconfiguran de maneras variadas: crean nuevas redes, disuelven algunas, y cambian la estructura de otras. ; Abstract. Little attention has been paid to the social processes of civil war —the transformations of social actors, structures, norms, and practices— that sometimes leave enduring legacies for the postwar period. In this article, I explore the changes wrought by six social processes: political mobilization, military socialization, polarization of social identities, militarization of local authority, transformation of gender roles, and fragmentation of the local political economy. Some of these social processes occur in peacetime, but war may radically change their pace, direction, or consequences, with perhaps irreversible effects. I trace the wide variation in these processes during the wars in four countries: Peru, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, and Sierra Leone. I analyze the effects of these processes as transformations into social networks. These processes reconfigure social networks in a variety of ways, creating new networks, dissolving some, and changing the structure of others.

This article explores a particular pattern of wartime violence, the relative absence of sexual violence on the part of many armed groups. This neglected fact has important policy implications: If some groups do not engage in sexual violence, then rape is not inevitable in war as is sometimes claimed, and there are stronger grounds for holding responsible those groups that do engage in sexual violence. After developing a theoretical framework for understanding the observed variation in wartime sexual violence, the article analyzes the puzzling absence of sexual violence on the part of the secessionist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam of Sri Lanka.

An introduction to the following articles on sexual violence against civilians during war. References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2009.]

Little attention has been paid to the social processes of civil war—the transformation of social actors, structures, norms, and practices—that sometimes leave enduring legacies for the postwar period. In this article, I explore the changes wrought by six social processes: political mobilization, military socialization, polarization of social identities, militarization of local authority, transformation of gender roles, and fragmentation of the local political economy. Some of these social processes occur in peacetime, but war may radically change their pace, direction, or consequences, with perhaps irreversible effects. I trace the wide variation in these processes during the wars in four countries: Peru, El Salvador, Sri Lanka, and Sierra Leone. I analyze the effects of these processes as transformations in social networks. These processes reconfigure social networks in a variety of ways, creating new networks, dissolving some, and changing the structure of others.