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This paper builds on research that shows that differences in the temporal properties of organisations can lead to temporal conflict, posing a barrier to collaboration. It considers how temporal diversity might shape political contention by examining how different temporal properties of New York and Toronto police and protesters manifest in their interactions. Vignettes of three protest events in Toronto and New York City in 2020–21 are constructed from fieldnotes, government planning and police oversight documents and media coverage. These illustrate how police and protesters understand protest events differently and how these collective actors strategically alter the temporal properties of their tactics (pace and duration) and their narratives (temporal orientation and temporal horizon) in order to gain leverage over their opponents. The temporal conflict that ensues varies in intensity, and shapes the sequence, emotional tone and outcome of these events. This shows how differences in temporal properties shape contention; how these properties can be used strategically to gain leverage and suggests that analyses of temporal conflict should be incorporated into research on contentious politics and studies of strategic interaction.

Between 2001 and 2005, the Intercontinental Youth Camp at the World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil became associated with a decentralized, horizontalist form of organizing. When the polycentric forum took place in 2006, this horizontalist identity and strategy did not diffuse successfully to the new site in Caracas, Venezuela. This article argues that for diffusion to be successful, the local hosts must be able to deliberate on the locally new idea, see themselves as similar to the earlier users, and have the opportunity to adapt the tactic to the local context. Analysing interviews with participants, and activist writing, I argue that the relational context of Caracas, Venezuela, along with recent events in that city, made such processes impossible. In particular, the deliberation essential for diffusion was blocked by the centralization and polarization of the political field, the formalization of the potential adopters, and the temporal proximity of a similar event, the World Festival of Youth and Students.

Using interviews with thirty-two direct action activists and field notes from the period, this article argues that repression limited the diffusion of the tactics used in the 1999 protests against the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Seattle to activists in New York City and Toronto. The tactics under review are affinity groups, blockading, jail solidarity, black bloc, and giant puppets. I argue that repression highlighted the ways that poor activists and activists of color were different from the archetypical white, middle-class, Seattle protester. Repression made it less likely that these activists would identify with the Seattle protesters, and less likely to deliberate about the tactics. Thus, repression and identity questions made incorporation of these tactics less likely. I also argue that repression, by limiting the diffusion of these tactics, interrupted the cycle of protest associated with the Seattle demonstrations. Adapted from the source document.

The diverse People's Global Action (PGA) was founded in 1998 to protest neoliberalism & its institutions via direct action. The transnational collaboration achieved in the PGA & its challenges in the areas of resources, organizational culture, & coalition experience differences are examined using minutes & reports from meetings, interviews, & surveys of participants. The PGA's North-South differences in participation, the unique organizational structure, & the organization process are described. Despite the differences between group members, mechanisms of structure (decentralization), identity, grassroots organizing, & avoidance of Northern domination within the coalition help achieve collaboration & participation. Tables, Appendixes, References. M. Pflum

This paper analyses a set of 467 local protests that took place against neoliberalism on 5 global days of action between 1998 and 2001 and ?nds that the targets of protest di?er on each continent. The majority target either the global institutions of neoliberalism, such as the IMF, World Bank, World Trade Organization or the Group of 8, or neglect to identify a single institutional target. However, the most popular local target in Africa and Asia is national or local government. In Latin America protests are most likely to target banks or stock exchanges, and in the US, Canada and Europe, corporations. The sources of such variation lie in pre-existing political repertoires, transnational organizational networks, and processes of structural equivalence that underlie di?usion patterns.

What is the best source for tracking protest activity? Newspaper sources remain dominant, but other options are tempting. This article compares three differently sourced catalogs of protest events in Toronto from July 15 to September 15, 2020. The widely discussed Movement for Black Lives and housing justice cycles of protest are visible in all three catalogs, but apart from this, the field of protest they reveal is very different. While the coverage by the newspaper with the largest circulation, the Toronto Star, shows Toronto protest as state-centered, domestic, and progressive, other catalogs that include television, radio, and social media content reveal a more diverse, fragmented, and globalized protest field. Catalogs sourced from Nexis Uni and Twitter show the significant presence of diasporic protest. These observations suggest new limits to relying on mainstream newspapers for representing the full array of protest activity. We recommend that, moving forward, researchers experiment with media aggregators to incorporate sources such as television coverage and social media into their research while remaining aware of the additional challenges such data generate.

Explores the emergence of social movements in Great Britain from 1828-34 & focuses on the interdependence of the broadening acceptance of social movement forms & increasing centrality of Parliament in popular politics. Different political regions -- Kent, Lancashire, & Middlesex -- & categories of political actors are discussed using social network analyses of claims, activities, & events. The variances in social movement politics, namely, claims-making networks & the centrality of major actors, demonstrate these forms' development through struggles of the British people rather than through to top-down mechanisms. 4 Tables, 12 Figures. L. Collins Leigh

Explores the emergence of social movements in Great Britain from 1828-34 & focuses on the interdependence of the broadening acceptance of social movement forms & increasing centrality of Parliament in popular politics. Different political regions -- Kent, Lancashire, & Middlesex -- & categories of political actors are discussed using social network analyses of claims, activities, & events. The variances in social movement politics, namely, claims-making networks & the centrality of major actors, demonstrate these forms' development through struggles of the British people rather than through to top-down mechanisms. 4 Tables, 12 Figures. L. Collins Leigh