Machine generated contents note: One.Against the New World Order -- Two.Gathering Momentum: The Fallout from 9/11 and the Global Financial Crisis -- Three.The Far-Right in Europe -- Four.The Far-Right in the US -- Five.The Far-Right in Britain -- Six.Consolidation and Mainstreaming.
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"This illuminating book explores the neo-Gramscian school of international political economy and their conceptualization of global hegemony, and furthers these by looking at how the often fragmented society of post-Communist Russia can provide insight into the nature and workings of neo-liberal global hegemony. The volume illustrates how historically Russia has been a unique case in rejecting Western-inspired hegemonic projects. It outlines how successive governments since the fall of the Soviet Union have attempted, often unsuccessfully, to integrate Russia into the global economy, and identifies the multitude of ideological contestation within Russia. It will prove a useful addition to the literature on both post-Communist Russian studies and international political economy."--Provided by publisher.
Cover -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- 1 Hegemony and Global Politics -- What Is Hegemony? -- Hegemony through State Leadership -- Hegemony as an Ideology -- Approaching Hegemony -- 2 Hegemony and Its Origins in World Politics -- Hegemony in Greece and Rome -- The Holy Roman Empire -- Mercantilism or Spanish Hegemony? -- Westphalia or Dutch Hegemony? -- Liberalism or British Hegemony? -- 'Rival Imperialism' or the Interregnum? -- Conclusion -- 3 US Hegemony -- The Rise of US Power -- Hegemonic Stability Theory -- US Hegemony after the Cold War -- The Problems with US Hegemony -- 4 Hegemony, Gramsci and World Politics -- Hegemony and Marxism before Gramsci -- Gramsci and Hegemony -- Gramsci and World Politics -- Rethinking Neo-Gramscian Hegemony? -- The Roots of Neoliberalism -- Breaking the Mould: Pinochet, Thatcher and Reagan -- Neoliberalism on the Offensive: Globalization and the Decline of Socialism -- Neoliberalism on the Defensive: Austerity and Crisis -- Conclusion: The Longevity of Neoliberal Hegemony? -- 5 Neoliberal Hegemony -- The Roots of Neoliberalism -- Breaking the Mould: Pinochet, Thatcher and Reagan -- Neoliberalism on the Offensive: Globalization and the Decline of Socialism -- Neoliberalism on the Defensive: Austerity and Crisis -- Conclusion: The Longevity of Neoliberal Hegemony? -- 6 The Rise of China and BRICS -- The Rise of China -- BRICS -- Emerging Powers or the Semi-Periphery? -- 7 Regionalism -- Old and New Regionalism -- Europe -- East Asia -- Latin America -- Other Regional Formations -- Regionalism versus Variegated Neoliberalism? -- 8 The Idea of Counter-Hegemony -- Understanding Counter-Hegemony -- Types of Counter-Hegemonic Discourse -- Fragmentation and Trasformismo -- The Significance of Counter-Hegemony -- Conclusion.
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The emergence of a global far right has been seen as a significant development in recent years and as a challenge to wider forms of neo-liberal globalization. While much has been written about its significance and representation, little has been written on either the gendered nature of the far right and the role that women have played as actors within it. Though there still remains a gender gap in terms of the support and participation of the far right, there has been an increasing rise of leaders and figureheads within the respective movements themselves. This article argues that despite the emergence of these women, the far right looks to construct an extreme form of masculinity in which anti-feminism appears as a significant part of its overall strategy. By engaging with both the Gramscian understandings of hegemonic construction and subsequent notions of masculinist hegemony, it argues that the appearance of women both as leaders and 'organic intellectuals' within respective national movements allows them to gain greater legitimacy. Rather than 'feminizing' or indeed moderating the form of far-right narratives, women had looked to re-inforce such extreme masculinity by adding to existing understandings of anti-immigration, nationalism and in particular of the meaning of 'anti-feminism'. Thus, recent leaders of far-right political parties appear alongside media columnists and 'celebrities' in contributing to the construction of extreme masculinity with the far right.
Worth welcomes Amin's call for a renewal of Internationalism, but he is critical of the "significant shortcoming of understanding an internationalist strategy around a traditional collection of national struggles." Recalling Rosa Luxemburg's contributions to the second International at the 100th anniversary of her brutal murder, he notes: Luxemburg … condemned any form of nationalism as a tool used by the bourgeoisie in order to divide the proletariat….[F]or Luxemburg, the whole notion of dialectical materialism should be understood not through the development of existing structures but as a process where new structures emerge and develop over time. Likewise, Internationalism should not be something restricted by structures of the present, nor by pre-existing norms such as national sovereign, but instead be understood as a mechanism that could move beyond the confines of the present towards the realms of the 'possible.'"