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Gottfredson and Hirschi's general theory of crime (1990) has generated an abundance of research testing the proposition that low self‐control is the main cause of crime and analogous behaviors. Less empirical work, however, has examined the factors that give rise to low self‐control. Gottfredson and Hirschi suggest that parents are the sole contributors for either fostering or thwarting low self‐control in their children, explicitly discounting the possibility that genetics may play a key role. Yet genetic research has shown that ADHD and other deficits in the frontostriatal system are highly heritable. Our research thus tests whether "parents matter" in creating low self‐control once genetic influences are taken into account. Using a sample of twin children we find that parenting measures have a weak and inconsistent effect. We address the conceptual and methodological issues associated with the failure to address genetic influences in parenting studies.

Recently, the concept of "collective efficacy" has been advanced to understand how communities exert control and provide support to reduce crime. In a similar way, we use the concept of "parental efficacy" to highlight the crime reducing effects associated with parents who support and control their youth. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY), we examine the inter‐relationship between parental controls and supports and their joint influence on youthful misbehavior. The results show that (1) support and control are intertwined, and (2) that parental efficacy exerts substantive effects on adolescent delinquency for the sample as a whole and across varying age groups.

Although concern with white‐collar crime has grown considerably in recent years, little research has been undertaken on the workplace misconduct of juveniles. This omission is noteworthy because of the extensive involvement of youths in the labor market. Accordingly, based on a sample of high school seniors, we explored the determinants of youths' occupational delinquency. The analysis revealed that work‐related delinquency is affected both by underlying criminal propensities and by contact with delinquent coworkers on the job. It also appears that delinquent youths are selected into negative work environments in which they come into contact with fellow delinquents—an interaction effect that amplifies their occupational delinquency. Finally, the data suggest that associating with delinquent coworkers affects misbehavior not only within, but also outside the workplace. The theoretical implications of these findings are explored.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction: Taking Stock of Criminological Theory -- Part I. The Core of Criminological Theory -- 1. The Empirical Status of Social Learning Theory of Crime and Deviance: The Past, Present, and Future -- 2. The Empirical Status of Control Theory in Criminology -- 3. General Strain Theory: Current Status and Directions for Further Research -- Part II. Macro-Level Theories -- 4. The Present and Future of Institutional-Anomie Theory -- 5. Collective Efficacy Theory: Lessons Learned and Directions for Future Inquiry -- 6. Segregation and Race/Ethnic Inequality in Crime: New Directions -- Part III. Theories of Power and Peace -- 7. The Status of Empirical Research in Radical Criminology -- 8. The Status of Feminist Theories in Criminology -- 9. Peacemaking Criminology: Past, Present, and Future -- Part IV. Life-Course Theories -- 10. A Review of Research on the Taxonomy of Life-Course Persistent Versus Adolescence-Limited Antisocial Behavior -- 11. Assessing Sampson and Laub's Life-Course Theory of Crime -- 12. Building Developmental and Life-Course Theories of Offending -- Part V. Theories of Societal Reaction -- 13. The Empirical Status of Deterrence Theory: A Meta-Analysis -- 14. Shame, Restorative Justice, and Crime -- 15. The Theory of Effective Correctional Intervention: Empirical Status and Future Directions -- Contributors -- Index

Although Agnew's (1992) general strain theory (GST) has secured a fair degree of support since its introduction, researchers have had trouble explaining why some individuals are more likely than others to react to strain with delinquency. This study uses data from the National Survey of Children to address this issue. Drawing on Agnew (1997) and the psychological research on personality traits, it is predicted that juveniles high in negative emotionality and low in constraint will be more likely to react to strain with delinquency. Data support this prediction.

Converging lines of research suggest that self‐control and language may be inextricably linked. No empirical research has ever examined this proposition, however. We address this gap in the literature by analyzing a sample of twin pairs from a nationally representative data set of children. The results revealed three broad findings. First, diminished language skills were predictive of low self‐control both cross‐sectionally and longitudinally. Second, the covariation between language and self‐control was linked to both genetic and environmental factors. Third, after controlling for genetic influences on self‐control, language skills were predictive of variation in individual levels of self‐control. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

In a recent article published in Criminology, Burt and Simons () claimed that the statistical violations of the classical twin design render heritability studies useless. Claiming quantitative genetics is "fatally flawed" and describing the results generated from these models as "preposterous," Burt and Simons took the unprecedented step to call for abandoning heritability studies and their constituent findings. We show that their call for an "end to heritability studies" was premature, misleading, and entirely without merit. Specifically, we trace the history of behavioral genetics and show that 1) the Burt and Simons critique dates back 40 years and has been subject to a broad array of empirical investigations, 2) the violation of assumptions in twin models does not invalidate their results, and 3) Burt and Simons created a distorted and highly misleading portrait of behavioral genetics and those who use quantitative genetic approaches.