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Abstract
Plastic is the third most abundant manmade material on the planet. Whilst often considered durable, it sheds micro- and nanoscopic debris ('microplastic') to the environment, which contaminates water, dust, and food globally. Recently, microplastic has been reported in atmospheric deposition and airmasses around the globe, suggesting a complex cycle before it reaches its environmental – or biological – fate. Furthermore, the discovery of microplastic in ambient and indoor air has raised concern for public exposure via inhalation and potential impacts on health. In laboratory studies, exposure to high levels of certain types of microplastic can cause adverse effects, primarily oxidative stress, and metabolic disruption. However, there are critical physicochemical factors which govern both the fate and effects of inhaled material in the body and very little is known for microplastic. This talk will give an overview of the progress in plastic aerosol research, from early environmental measurements to analytical and data science advances to hazard characterisation. It will highlight challenges, knowledge gaps, and opportunities for research. As discussions for a proposed UN Treaty on Plastic Pollution develop and the rate of plastic production continues to grow, it is timely to consider microplastic exposure and its potential role in disease pathways.

En este artículo, analizaremos las experiencias corporales de hombres y mujeres españoles para ampliar nuestra comprensión de la sociedad española durante la posguerra. Basado en casos concretos de violación y mutilación durante la guerra, el artículo perfila los límites del privilegio de pertenecer al bando vencedor de la Guerra Civil, cuestionando la medida en que esta afiliación funcionó como garante contra las vicisitudes de la vida bajo el primer franquismo. Dentro del contexto de miseria generalizada de la posguerra, destacamos importantes jerarquías y privilegios relativos entre hombres y mujeres, así como entre individuos de distintas clases y condiciones sociales. Nuestra investigación demuestra cómo la victoria franquista aportó privilegios más significativos para sus adherentes masculinos que femeninos. También existían jerarquías notables entre hombres de distintas clases, con distintos tipos de discapacidad. Concluimos que, para la mayoría de los españoles, la posguerra se puede considerar una continuación de la guerra: no entre combatientes, sino contra el paro, el hambre, la creciente colonización de los cuerpos femeninos y los exiguos o inexistentes apoyos económicos proporcionados por la dictadura.

This article explores how during Spain's transition to democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, Francoist disabled veterans of the Spanish Civil War navigated the disappearance of formerly hegemonic historical narratives which had hitherto defined their relationship with the state. While for Republican disabled veterans of the Civil War, the transition brought a degree of legitimisation, political emancipation and financial recognition, for Franco's Caballeros Mutilados or 'Mutilated Gentlemen' the advent of democracy prompted a re-evaluation of their wounds, their legitimacy and the privileges they had hitherto enjoyed. In the post-dictatorship era, Francoist disabled veterans – who unlike Republican veterans, had enjoyed uncontested legitimacy under the regime – were viewed as inconvenient symbols of Francoism, and faced the challenge of preserving the legitimacy of their veteranhood in the age of democracy. In this sense, the case of the Francoist war disabled of the Spanish Civil War underscores the close link between historical memory and the well-being of the veterans of civil wars. While post-civil war governments often privilege certain disabled bodies over others, this is a precarious privilege that remains vulnerable to political fluctuations over time, as well as the shifting relationship between army, nation and state. In such cases, the ability of disabled veterans' groups to adapt to changing perceptions of their right to support is crucial to the preservation of their veteranhood, as well as their ability to advocate for improved circumstances more broadly.

This article attempts to reconfigure current historiographical debates on war disability, which have hitherto tended to rely on 'masculinity' as an analytical framework. Instead, the case of the Francoist war disabled of the Spanish Civil War underscores the need to consider war disability in relation to broader social hierarchies, and the socio-political topographies in which these operate. In doing so, it is possible to understand how the Francoist war disabled occupied a relatively privileged space in twentieth-century Spain, despite and even because of the impairments they sustained in the Civil War. At the same time, Francoist war disability benefits left much to be desired, and clear differences emerged between the experiences of 'military' and 'civilian' veterans. In this sense, the Francoist war disabled were both favoured and under-served by the regime's war disability policies. This research has broader relevance to scholars working on contexts beyond modern Spain, as it disrupts the traditional association of physical impairment with marginality, while highlighting the fluidity of perceptions and experiences of war disability according to socio-political context.

Summary
This article seeks to broaden current understandings of war psychiatry, particularly within authoritarian contexts, through its focus on mental illness in the Francoist army during and after the Spanish Civil war of 1936–39. More specifically, this research points to the coexistence of multiple discourses of psychological disturbance in Francoist Spain. Francoist psychiatrists were reluctant to acknowledge the psychological fallout of the Spanish Civil War on those soldiers who had helped to ensure the Nationalist victory, and the regime's legislation disenfranchised those who did not boast lengthy military careers. Yet in the absence of an official language of war trauma, veterans and their families found other ways to express themselves, often appropriating the regime's own political and psychiatric discourse. Such popular understandings of Civil War trauma served an important function for Spaniards seeking to negotiate the many contradictions of life under the Francoist regime.

On 19 November 1975 Francisco Franco lay dying in Madrid's La Paz hospital. Clutching the cloak of the Virgin del Pilar, and with the ill-gotten relic of St Teresa of Ávila's hand at his bedside, the ailing dictator would soon depart this existence following the withdrawal of life support. For Enrique Moradiellos in Franco: Anatomy of a Dictator, the juxtaposition of modernity and tradition within this deathbed scene was emblematic of the countless paradoxes which characterised the Francoist dictatorship in its later years. Since the dictator's death scholars have continued to grapple with such paradoxes, struggling over how best to define a regime which has come to occupy a notoriously contentious space within contemporary Spanish politics and society. Like a fairground hall of mirrors, historical representations of Francoism have been stretched or squashed by different analytical frames, shaped in many cases by the political and social legacies of the dictatorship. Despite dubious claims to 'objectivity', the regime's apologists depict Francoism as a stabilising antidote to the 'chaos' of republicanism, conveniently overlooking the destruction and misery which followed the coup of 18 July 1936. Meanwhile, those who seek justice for the regime's victims continue to emphasise the repressive nature of the dictatorship. Though an important component of Francoism's modus operandi, repression does not, by itself, help us to fully understand Francoism's long-term survival or the consent it secured from millions of ordinary Spaniards. The titles under review reflect an increasing willingness to confront Francoism's many contradictions head-on, and to regard the paradoxical nature of the regime not as a conceptual knot to be disentangled, but as a historiographical problem in itself. Historians exploring the experiences of 'ordinary' people have proved particularly adept at addressing such complexities, as have scholars adopting comparative or transnational frameworks which reach beyond traditional emphasis on fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The titles surveyed in this article offer a snapshot of recent developments in the field, while signposting potential avenues through which historians of Francoism might contribute to broader discussions within the historiography of modern Europe.

Out of the 78,504 Moroccans who fought in the Francoist army during the Spanish Civil War, an estimated 55,468 sustained injuries over the course of the conflict. Within the deeply hierarchical and militaristic regime of Francisco Franco, a privileged symbolic space was reserved for troops from the Spanish Protectorate who had sacrificed their bodily integrity in the 'Crusade'. Such veterans were presented by the regime as the 'glorious mutilated', and a special body was established to manage their disability pension claims. Yet this privileged position did not imply parity with veterans' Spanish counterparts, especially when it came to romantic relationships with Spanish women. This article will explore how the Francoist regime's paternalism towards its Moroccan veterans helped to entrench racial hierarchies in Francoist Spain while respecting military ones. Through an examination of the everyday bureaucratic interactions between representatives of the Francoist state and Moroccan men, paternalism emerges as an overlooked and undertheorized – yet highly significant – discourse in modern European politics and society. Far from being a by-product of colonial politics, paternalism in many ways defined the Francoist regime's governing ethos more broadly, and helped to ensure its long-term survival both in the Protectorate and in Spain.

This thesis examines Elijah Muhammad's preoccupation with and eclectic interpretation of Islamic diet as articulated in the How to Eat to Live series, published in articles as well as two books between 1965 and 1975. It argues that the gravity that Muhammad accorded to dietary practice offers important clues about the place of the body in a political economy of the sacred that was central to the Nation's activities during this period. A close reading of these texts complicates the view of the eating body as a "symbol" for social and political ambitions. Instead, it reveals how correct consumption was instrumental to the production of two sacred bodies: the physical body of the Original Man, and the political-economic body of the Nation of Islam. This thesis shows how Muhammad conceptualized eating as part of a set of divinely prescribed practices that aimed to discipline the body in order to liberate the members of the Lost-Found Nation from mental, physical, and economic slavery. Within this economy, the everyday matters of what, when, where and how to eat were far from trivial, or even "secular" concerns. On the contrary, they constituted a critical component in the technologies of the self which were, in Muhammad's view, the instruments of both individual and collective salvation.

This study utilized the perspective of critical discourse analysis to examine the introductory chapter of the third edition of the Searses' seminal book on attachment parenting, The Baby Book. Focused mainly on the use of language within the text by parenting "experts," a qualitative approach was taken to elucidate the text within its historical and cultural context. Throughout the analysis, we found that despite endorsing practices that counter the standard parenting advice, The Baby Book discourse remains firmly placed in the tradition of benevolent paternalism. Our analysis revealed how values surrounding parenting are constructed and reconstructed within a parenting manual by enforcing traditional gender roles. This text continues in the historical tradition of parenting "experts" using language to reinforce the dominant discourse around parenting practices, including gender role reinforcement.