Suchergebnisse

The importance of image and affect in politics -- Historical traces and relevant concepts -- The role of information processing -- The methods behind the research: how we did these studies -- The two levels of agenda setting: issues and attributes -- Visual cues in the formation of affect -- The valence of affect: accentuate the negative or put your best foot forward? -- The make-up of affect: emotions and traits -- New media and demographic differences in agenda setting -- An international investigation of affective agendas -- What we know about affect and implications for democracy.

This study tracks the affective agendas in the media's portrayals of the nonverbal behavior of the 2016 presidential candidates, and then shows how these media portrayals are related to voters' emotional valence. It also gauges the relationship of disgust to voting intention, comparing it with anger, fear, hope, and pride, as well as other established demographic predictors and party affiliation. Findings show that valence-based emotions as conveyed via candidates' nonverbal behaviors are associated with viewers' emotional valence; that is, emotional-affective agenda setting has occurred. It also demonstrates that disgust predicts vote choice as well or better than anger and fear.

This study investigates emotions conveyed in US presidential speeches and media coverage regarding the Iraq War and the Iran nuclear deal during 2003 and 2015. The researchers gathered and examined news stories about the two policies, all official speeches delivered by George W Bush and Barack Obama, and opinion polls conducted during the respective six-month period in those two years. Nine discrete emotions were coded to capture the valence and volume in the speeches and news media content. The study finds that emotions appear more frequently in the Iraq discourse than in the Iran counterpart. President Bush used more negative emotions while President Obama employed more positive emotions. Emotion in the media coverage is constant and stable across the two policy periods; yet negative emotions are more prevalent than positive counterparts in the media despite distinct foreign policies. The study also examines public opinion trends toward the two policies for inferring potential linkage. This article contributes to the conceptual nexus among emotional persuasion, journalism pattern, and foreign policy-making process.

This study investigated the network agenda setting (NAS) model with data gathered from Taiwan's 2012 presidential election. Networks of important objects and candidate attributes in the news were compared with the counterparts generated from public opinion. The overall correlation between the media and public network agendas was positive and significant, thus supporting the NAS model in a non-Western context. In addition, this study found that the NAS model offered more predictive power at the attribute than the object level. The effects of selective exposure in a partisan media system were also incorporated into the investigation. Results showed that partisan selective exposure did not lead to consistent findings about the accentuated association between like-minded media consumption and candidate evaluation.

This study examines the impact of affect on candidate evaluation and voting intention by conducting an experiment using three treatments: positive, negative, and neutral nonverbal expressions of a fictional congressional office-seeker. Three issues were addressed in the TV interviews. Results show that candidate image exerts a stronger influence on viewers' voting intention than the candidate's stance on issues, controlling for viewers' prior attitudes toward those issues. In addition, negative affect is more powerful than positive, reinforcing the belief that making a good impression will not help a candidate as much as a bad impression will hurt.

This study expands the theory of second-level agenda setting to include emotion as affect and seeks to understand its valence. Three important findings emerged; first, the media's emotional-affective agenda corresponds with the public's emotional impressions of candidates; second, negative emotions are more powerful than positive emotions even when the topic is not a negative "problem"; and third, agenda-setting effects are greater on the audiences' emotions, defined as feelings, than on their cognitive assessments of character traits, the most common way affect is measured in agenda-setting studies.

Survey and content analysis data from the 2004 presidential election were used to examine relative strength of first- and second-level agenda setting. Second-level candidate attributes exert a stronger agenda-setting influence on the public than does the salience of issues. More striking is the difference in effect sizes on voting intention. Respondents' perception of candidates' traits has a stronger agenda-setting effect and is a better predictor of voting intention than candidates' issues stance. Additionally, a new contingent condition for second-level effects was confirmed: negative information has more power to transfer the media's agenda of candidate attributes to the public.

This study sought to verify conventional wisdom that the presence of ethnic journalists—Asian Americans in this case—results in more and better coverage of ethnic groups in a community. Nine newspapers were analyzed from communities with varying Asian American populations and geographic regions. Newspapers with more Asian American staff provide more stories about Asian Americans. Likewise, newspapers in cities with larger Asian American populations have more Asian American staff and cover Asian Americans more. The impact of Asian American staff on coverage was greater than that of Asian American population. The influence of Asian American staff was found in sourcing, substance, and context of stories.

This study investigates the relationship between types of news events and daily traffic at the New York Times on the Web. CNN and ABC newscasts were content analyzed to represent each day's news coverage and compared with Web site usage data made available by the Times. The results indicate that level of disruptiveness and episodicity were positively correlated with online traffic. Also, several news topics—international politics, education, and science and technology—were positively correlated with online news usage. During the period examined, dominated by the Clinton-Lewinsky scandal, domestic politics, weather, and accident and disaster news were negatively correlated with Web site usage.