Suchergebnisse

The article analyses the degree of substantive representation by immigrant-origin MPs in Germany's national and state parliaments. To test the expectation that an immigration background increases the likelihood of engaging with migration-related topics, an analysis is undertaken of all parliamentary questions (PQs) formally asked by immigrant-origin MPs in Germany's national and state parliaments between 1987 and 2009. By controlling for several time-invariant and time-variant factors, the longitudinal analysis confirms that a visible immigration background results in asking more migration-related PQs. While several contextual, party-political and personal (career) factors influence the likelihood of asking such questions in parliament, there is no evidence for a decrease over time. Presence effects are significant and of lasting nature. This means that the parliamentary presence of immigrant-origin MPs with a visible background goes beyond sheer symbolic representation. Adapted from the source document.

Based on the content of European Election manifestos, the article shows that parties play an important role in presenting to the people a European view on issues, in discussing transnational and the core EU issues and in offering the voters different choices on the EU and European integration. While there is a greater variance of party positions on the left-right dimension than on the pro-/anti-EU dimension, most party systems nevertheless provide good choice options on the EU dimension as well. Compared to the 'old EU', party systems in the accession countries offer a greater variance in programmatic pro-anti-EU positions. Adapted from the source document.

Among the topics with a high potential for gaining relevance in Germany are immigration and integration policies. Most Bundestag candidates are principally open to the creation of a legal framework on immigration, but in favor of cultural assimilation. Their positions on immigration and assimilation are to a high degree determined by their ideological orientation. Attitudes toward globalization and on equal opportunities play an additional role for the position on immigration issues. Socio-structural and contextual factors contribute to an explanation of variance among the different candidates. And it matters for their position whether they consider a migration-related issue as being among the most important political problems. Yet, a generational shift in opinion could only be detected within the small parties FDP, Greens and the Socialists. Adapted from the source document.

Recent analyses of electoral behaviour have shown that political preferences of immigrants follow distinctive patterns & keep stable over time. With the notable exception of German resettlers from Eastern Europe (Aussiedler), the political left is significantly preferred by voters with a migratory background. This might be caused by the attractiveness of those parties' programmes & their candidates. Taking this as a hypothesis, party candidates' attitudes towards immigration, representation & cultural assimilation are analysed by using data gathered from national elections in Germany & the Netherlands in 2002. It can be shown that Socialists, Greens & Social Democrats in the German case & left Greens, Social Democrats & left-wing liberals (Democraten 66) in the Dutch case are more attractive for immigrants. The candidates of these parties display rather pro-immigration, pro-representation & anti-assimilation attitudes. Furthermore, the cross-country analysis reveals that Dutch party candidates are more reluctant towards further immigration & multiculturalism than their German colleagues. 7 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Only recently -- & as a result of the new citizenship law that took effect in 2000 -- have naturalized citizens in Germany been perceived as potential party voters, & even the parties' policy preferences in migration & naturalization policies are said to be influenced more by the electoral impact of immigration & naturalization than by any other factor. The nationwide screening of naturalized citizens in the monthly Politbarometer surveys that have been the source for earlier analyses is replicated for the period Oct 2001-Sept 2002. Based on these data, this article describes who these naturalized citizens are, how much interest they show in politics, & how well they know parties & politicians. Further, it casts light on how frequently naturalized citizens participate in elections, which parties they vote for, & which ones they tend to avoid. Finally, the article makes an estimate as to the size of the impact made by naturalized citizens on the outcome of Germany's 2002 Bundestag election. 10 Tables, 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Election campaigns are not only party campaigns, but depend to a significant degree on the efforts and activities of individual candidates. While some country-specific analyses of candidate campaigning have been done, large-N comparative studies are missing. The 2009 European Election Candidate Study, conducted in all 27 EU countries, does allow for such a comparative analysis. On the basis of this data, the article takes a closer look at three core components of individual campaigns and their respective determinants: duration, intensity, and the use of different campaign tools. Our findings show that only a combination of factors on the individual, party, and country level is able to explain significant amounts of the observed variance in each of the core components. Multi-level approach for explaining variation in individual campaigns performs well. Individual characteristics of candidates matter with respect to campaigning. Probability to get elected and being an incumbent MEP are strong predictors. Context (party- and country level) has to be taken into account as well. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

At the end of May 2005, it seemed the (early) Bundestag election scheduled for September of that year would lead to a complete change of power in Germany. The Red-Green government's reforms came late & had been ineffective in the short run, & several setbacks during the first months of 2005 caused Chancellor Gerhard Schroder to call an early election. Yet, elections are won or lost on election day, & not in opinion polls. Thanks to an intensive campaign, the SPD & especially Schroder were able to mobilise & to activate their social & political support base better than expected, but they lost parts of their left wing to the Linkspartei formed by PDS & the SPD-breakaway WASG. The CDU/CSU & Angela Merkel ran a mediocre campaign, probably because some Christian Democrats thought the election would be won anyway. In addition, the Christian Democrats made the mistake of elevating taxation to the status of a major campaign issue by nominating Paul Kirchhof, a highly polarising law professor for the post of finance minister. This unwise move enabled the SPD to campaign negatively on the person & the CDU/CSU tax proposals that were anything but clear. In the end the SPD lost, but not as badly as previously expected. More surprisingly, the CDU/CSU lost votes as well. The winners were the small parties, especially the FDP & the Linkspartei. The losers, the major catch-all parties, were more or less forced to form a Grand Coalition. On the one hand, this coalition will make it more difficult for both CDU/CSU & SPD to regenerate & to sharpen their political profiles. On the other hand, the agenda powers enjoyed by the governing parties should not be underestimated in their effect. Therefore, predicting the end of the major catch-all parties would be pre-mature at this point. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The potential accession of Turkey to the European Union (EU) is a controversial issue. This article considers how national political parties in the EU view Turkish membership, with a focus on the role of religion in party politics, in particular the positions of Christian Democratic (CD) parties. Whereas this party family is traditionally considered to be outspokenly pro-European, it is argued that Turkish accession poses a challenge to Europhile CD parties. On the basis of the party manifesto coding from the 2009 European Election Study project, our results confirm a significantly more hesitant position of CD parties vis-a-vis Turkey accession compared to other parties. The study suggests that CD parties' positions, although overall supportive of the EU, may turn into opposition when it comes to specific policies touching on religious questions. Adapted from the source document.