This book explores relations between the U.S. and China, focusing in particular on China policy in the U.S. Congress, which has been unusually active in the development of this relationship, and the most controversial issues in US-China relations: Taiwan, trade and human rights
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In: Asia policy: a peer-reviewed journal devoted to bridging the gap between academic research and policymaking on issues related to the Asia-Pacific, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 5-12
This paper offers a comprehensive analysis of China bills introduced and passed in Congress in 1973-2005. Three important findings emerge. First, many more punitive China bills were introduced and passed in the House than in the Senate. Second, the two congressional parties agreed with each other most of the time on roll call votes related to China. Third, the major events in US-China relations largely determined the ebb and flow of China bills. Negative binomial regression analysis sheds further light on the dynamic of China policymaking on Capitol Hill. A Republican majority in the House facing off with a Democratic president brought about many more China bills. Also, there appears to be a significant gap between public opinion and congressional attitudes on China policy. Finally, the Tiananmen Incident has had a profound impact on Congress, making it much more active and punitive in China policy since then. I conclude the paper by briefly discussing the policy implications of my findings. (J Contemp China/GIGA)
This article analyzes roll call voting on China's most favored nation (MFN) and permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status to ascertain interchamber difference and party polarization in China trade policy. In the House, party has the largest impact, with Republicans much more supportive of MFN than Democrats. Ideology has the second largest impact, with conservatives and liberals voting against moderates. In the Senate, party is the sole significant determinant of MFN voting. In House voting on PNTR, ideology has the biggest and party the second biggest impact. The lopsided nature of the Senate PNTR vote indicates that ideology, party, and constituency interests had little or no impact. In both MFN and PNTR voting in the House, constituency economic interests have only marginal effects, and only constituency interests adversely affected by trade with China have significant impact on the PNTR vote. The author concludes by situating the findings in the broad debate about interchamber difference and increasing polarization in Congress.
While much has been written about US–China strategic rivalry, no study to the authors' knowledge has conducted an empirical analysis of this rivalry. This article fills this gap by investigating whether and how this rivalry affects a country's response to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The findings of this article indicate that certain aspects of bilateral strategic ties indeed have strong effects on a country's reaction to the Chinese bank. More specifically, shorter distance to higher a level of partnership with, and more arms purchase from Beijing lead to faster accession to the AIIB, while the shorter distance to Washington results in slower accession, controlling for other factors. In addition, economically developed countries appear to be consistently more eager to join the Beijing-led bank than economically underdeveloped countries.(J Contemp China/GIGA)
A closed-loop supply chain operation is an effective way to improve the dual benefits of economy and environment. Inspired by the practice of closed-loop supply chain coordination, this paper attempts to investigate the supply chain operation strategies of different recycling modes and patent licensing strategies and consider the impact of government subsidies. We construct a multi-player game model of an original manufacturer, a remanufacturer, and a retailer under a waste product recycling mode, patent licensing strategy, and government subsidy system. We provide the operation strategies under different strategy combinations in the closed-loop supply chain, and then analyze their differences and the interests of various subjects. We further analyze the impact of government subsidies on the operation strategies of the supply chain. The results illustrate that when the original manufacturer adopts the fixed fee patent licensing strategy, the recycling price of waste products is higher. When the original manufacturer adopts the unit fee patent licensing strategy and the retailer and the remanufacturer participate in the recycling of waste products simultaneously, the original manufacturer will increase the unit patent licensing fee. When the remanufacturer recycles waste products alone, consumers can obtain greater unit income in the waste product recycling market. Different government subsidies have different effects on the wholesale price and the retail price of new products and remanufactured products.
It is widely believed that most Americans not only distrust but also despise China. Considering the country's violent political history, unprecedented economic rise, and growing military capabilities, China has become America's strongest market competitor and arguably the most challenging global threat to the United States. Nevertheless, a full consideration of American opinion proves the opposite to be true. Carefully analyzing all available polls and surveys, Benjamin I. Page and Tao Xie find most Americans favor peaceful engagement with China. The public view has been surprisi
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The rapid ascendency of China has attracted considerable attention from American scholars, policymakers, and media. Yet what does the American public think about the rise of China as a world power? In this paper we use survey data collected by the Chicago Council on Global Affairs and other organizations to explore the nature and causes of Americans' views. It turns out that most Americans are well aware of the rise of China. Some are apprehensive about that rise, chiefly for national security (rather than economic) reasons, and many favor a degree of off-shore 'balancing' of the sort that realists recommend. But few Americans want to actively work to limit the rise of China. Very few favor the use of troops to defend Taiwan. Very few favor a nuclear-armed Japan. Large majorities of Americans take stands more akin to those of neo-liberals than realist theorists, favoring cooperation and peaceful engagement with China. (J Contemp China/GIGA)