Suchergebnisse

Introduction: The asylum journey en route to Canada via Turkey -- The asylum journey and the governance of transnational refugee mobility -- Asylum and resettlement policies as an 'abstract model' for the asylum journey -- The separation phase of the asylum journey -- Practicing the liminal space in the "journey of hope" -- The journey of hope and the incorporation phase of the asylum journey -- Conclusion: The asylum journey as the "journey of hope."

This article, by applying the ratings of Freedom House, analyzes the effectiveness of the European Union's usage of political conditionality for the democratization of the former and current candidate countries, and Southern partner countries in the European Neighborhood Policy. Political conditionality is the European Union's main strategy to democratize candidate countries. Due to the effectiveness of European Union's political conditionality all former candidates were labeled by Freedom House as liberal democracies before starting accession negotiations with the European Union. The European Union's usage of political conditionality with current candidates has led to democratization of many practices, such as the protection of human rights, minority rights and different cultures. This success is mainly the result of the European Union's membership incentive and, in case of non-compliance, the possibility of high domestic costs for candidates. The European Union has also used political conditionality to democratize its Southern partner countries through its European Neighborhood Policy. However, due to the lack of a membership incentive and domestic costs for these countries, political conditionality has not led to democratization, as clearly shown in Freedom House ratings for these countries since the introduction of the European Neighborhood Policy in 2004

Abstract
The refugee Odyssey is often not a linear, straightforward movement from point A to point B, from sending country to receiving one. Rather, it involves multiple paths, gateways, entry and exit points, and territories en route to the country of resettlement. Crucially, the journey involves not only mobility but also immobility and/or periods of stasis—breaks that are, in many cases, a natural part of the journey. Alongside this diversity of paths and movements, the refugee experience—understood in terms of the practices and acts of refugees en route—is also far from homogeneous. Each journey may well have an episodic character, where the course, direction, and periods of waiting for one asylum traveller can differ significantly from those of previous and/or future travellers—even if the departure point and destination are the same. Within this context, this article examines the breaks or periods of stasis that punctuate the refugee Odyssey, which we call mobistasis. We base our empirical findings on research conducted with people en route to resettlement in Canada via Turkey where they initially seek asylum and await resettlement. Drawing on fieldwork in Turkey and Canada between April 2014 and October 2016 and semi-structured interviews conducted with asylum travellers from non-European countries, the article illustrates how Turkey as the country of asylum is more than a space of mere 'transit'. It rather constitutes a space of mobistasis—stasis within movement—in the asylum voyage towards countries of resettlement.

Having previously remained impartial on the Gibraltar question between Spain and Britain since both were member states, the European Union suddenly changed its position after the Brexit referendum in favor of the Spanish government at the expense of breaching international law. In doing so, the European Union, for the first time, created a foreign policy on the long-standing Gibraltar question. This article explores the reasons behind the creation of this foreign policy in support of Spain. The European Union feared that the idea of Euroscepticism may escalate among remaining member states after the Brexit referendum because of wide-spread claims that it would dissolve in the near future, fuelled by far-right political parties. The European Union therefore created a foreign policy regarding Gibraltar in Spain's favor in order to promote a "sense of community" for thwarting a further rise in Euroscepticism. While making its analysis, the article applies the assumption of social constructivism that ideas shape interests, which then determine the foreign policy choices of actors. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n4s1p21

This paper aims to analyze European Union-Canada relations that have significantly enhanced inthe last decade. Economic and security relations between the European Union and Canada haveconsiderably improved in the last decade particularly after the conclusion of the ComprehensiveEconomic and Trade Agreement and the Strategic Partnership Agreement, which are alsomilestones that would govern the parties' long-term relations. Despite a territorial dispute betweenCanada and Denmark regarding Hans Island, and Canada's on-going opposition to the EuropeanUnion's Arctic Council membership, these frictions are not significant enough to jeopardize thecurrent progress in relations, as analyzed in this paper. As long as both sides continue theirpowerful commitment to liberal democracy, free market economy and multilateralism, theircooperation is likely to intensify in the 21st century in the face of international economic andsecurity problems. ; Bu makale, son on yılda önemli ölçüde gelişmiş olan Avrupa Birliği-Kanada ilişkilerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Avrupa Birliği ile Kanada arasındaki ekonomik ilişkiler ve güvenlik ilişkileri son on yılda, özellikle, tarafların uzun vadeli ilişkilerini de yönetecek dönüm noktaları olan Kapsamlı Ekonomi ve Ticaret Antlaşması'nın ve Stratejik Ortaklık Antlaşması'nın imzalanmasının ardından önemli ölçüde gelişmiştir. Kanada ve Danimarka arasında Hans Adası ile ilgili uyuşmazlığa ve Kanada'nın Avrupa Birliği'nin Arktik Konseyi üyeliğine devam eden muhalefetine rağmen, bu anlaşmazlıklar, makalede de analiz edildiği gibi ilişkilerdeki mevcut ilerlemeyi tehlikeye atacak derecede önemli değildir. Her iki tarafın da liberal demokrasiye, serbest piyasa ekonomisine ve çok taraflılığa olan güçlü bağlılıkları sürdükçe 21. yüzyılda, uluslararası ekonomik sorunlar ve güvenlik sorunları karşısında işbirliklerinin yoğunlaşması muhtemeldir.

anemon ; This paper aims to analyze European Union-Canada relations that have significantly enhanced in the last decade. Economic and security relations between the European Union and Canada have considerably improved in the last decade particularly after the conclusion of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement and the Strategic Partnership Agreement, which are also milestones that would govern the parties' long-term relations. Despite a territorial dispute between Canada and Denmark regarding Hans Island, and Canada's on-going opposition to the European Union's Arctic Council membership, these frictions are not significant enough to jeopardize the current progress in relations, as analyzed in this paper. As long as both sides continue their powerful commitment to liberal democracy, free market economy and multilateralism, their cooperation is likely to intensify in the 21st century in the face of international economic and security problems. ; Bu makale, son on yılda önemli ölçüde gelişmiş olan Avrupa Birliği-Kanada ilişkilerini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Avrupa Birliği ile Kanada arasındaki ekonomik ilişkiler ve güvenlik ilişkileri son on yılda, özellikle, tarafların uzun vadeli ilişkilerini de yönetecek dönüm noktaları olan Kapsamlı Ekonomi ve Ticaret Antlaşması'nın ve Stratejik Ortaklık Antlaşması'nın imzalanmasının ardından önemli ölçüde gelişmiştir. Kanada ve Danimarka arasında Hans Adası ile ilgili uyuşmazlığa ve Kanada'nın Avrupa Birliği'nin Arktik Konseyi üyeliğine devam eden muhalefetine rağmen, bu anlaşmazlıklar, makalede de analiz edildiği gibi ilişkilerdeki mevcut ilerlemeyi tehlikeye atacak derecede önemli değildir. Her iki tarafın da liberal demokrasiye, serbest piyasa ekonomisine ve çok taraflılığa olan güçlü bağlılıkları sürdükçe 21. yüzyılda, uluslararası ekonomik sorunlar ve güvenlik sorunları karşısında işbirliklerinin yoğunlaşması muhtemeldir. ; 844080