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Euroscepticism in Turkey: Parties, Elites, and Public Opinion
In: South European society & politics, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 185-208
ISSN: 1743-9612
Islam, sovereignty, and democracy: a Turkish view
In: The Middle East journal, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 477-493
ISSN: 0026-3141
World Affairs Online
Türkiye- Suriye ilişkileri
ÖZETAralarındaki coğrafi ve kültürel yakınlığa rağmen tarihten gelen bazı ön yargıların etkisi ile Türkiye ve Suriye arasında iyi komşuluk ilişkileri kurmak mümkün olmamıştır. Türkiye, Cumhuriyetin ilanından itibaren bütün komşuları ile "Yurtta Sulh, Cihanda Sulh" parolası esasına dayanan politikalar izlemiştir. Buna karşılık Suriye başta Hatay'ın ilhakı olmak üzere Arap Milliyetçiliği'nin anavatanın sınırlarını Toroslar'a kadar genişletme düşüncesini rehber edinmiş ve Türkiye aleyhine olabilecek her türlü faaliyetin destekçisi veya sempatizanı olmuştur.Bugün Türkiye ile Suriye arasında başta Bölücü Terör Örgütüne sağladığı destek olmak üzere, Fırat Nehri sularının paylaşımı, Hatay üzerindeki hak iddiaları, Asi Nehrinin sularının kesilmesi, Türk azınlığın durumu, karasularının tespiti ve kara sınırlarının işaretlenmesi gibi sorunlar mevcuttur. Suriye'nin uzlaşmaz tutumu ve diyalog eksikliği nedeniyle en basit sorunların bile çözümü mümkün olmamıştır.Türkiye'nin jeopolitik konumundan dolayı, bölgede bir güç olmasını istemeyen devletler; Suriye'nin politik ve siyasi zayıflığından faydalanıp bu ülkeyi kullanarak Türkiye aleyhine gelişen durum ve dengeleri destekler bir tutum içerisindedirler. Bu çerçevede; Suriye'nin, GAP'ın hayata geçirilmesi sonucu, Fırat ve Dicle sularının kendisine karşı bir koz ve baskı aracı olarak kullanacağı düşüncesiyle ortaya çıkardığı sınırı aşan sular sorunu, Türkiye'yi bölmeyi amaçlayan PKK terör örgütünü meselelerin kendi isteği doğrultusunda çözümlenmesi için bir manivela olarak kullanmak istemesi, Hatay'ın bir Arap toprağı olduğunu suni olarak gündeme getirmesi ve uluslar arası platformda Türkiye'ye karşı davranışları başlıca sorunlardır. Suriye; Türkiye'yi köşeye sıkıştırmak ve zayıf düşürmek suretiyle bölgede bir güç olmasına engellemek istemektedir. Su sorunu yapay bir sorundur. Suriye'nin Hatay'a yönelik tasavvurları da Suriyeli Arap halka mal olmuş bir politika olmayıp, daha ziyade yönetimin gündem de tuttuğu bir meseledir.Sınıraşan sular konusu Türkiye'nin su pazarlığına girmemesi gereken bir konudur. Suriye ile Irak'ın Matematiksel paylaşım tezi yerine, üçüncü ülkelerin dahil olmayacağı ve egemenlik hakların tartışılmasını gündeme getirecek yükümlülüklere girmeden bilimsel esaslara dayanan Üç Aşamalı Planın uluslar arası bilimsel ve siyasi platformlarda tanıtılması, destek sağlanması ile ilgili girişimler sürdürülmelidir.Türkiye'yi İsrail ile işbirliğine yönelten temel unsur ise, yaşamsal nitelikteki ulusal çıkarlarıdır. İsrail ile yapılan anlaşmalar Türkiye'ye çevresinden, özellikle Suriye ile İran'dan yönelen tehditlere karşı ek bir caydırıcı unsur oluşturmuş ve bölge dengelerini Türkiye lehine çevirmiştir. Türkiye ile İsrail arasında askeri alanda sağlanacak yakınlaşmanın gelecekte ilişkilerimizi güçlendireceği ve iki ülke arasında stratejik yakınlaşma sağlayacağı, bunun sonucu olarak bölgede barış rüzgarlarının eseceği değerlendirilmektedir.Son zamanlarda Suriye, Türkiye'ye yönelik terör örgütlerini desteklemeyi ve bu yolla taviz koparmayı amaçlamıştır. Asala'dan sonra Bölücü Terör Örgütüne verdiği destek günümüzde artık basit sınır tecavüzü veya çete hareketi boyutunu aşarak "Silahlı Saldırı" durumuna ulaşmıştır. Komşu devletlerin desteğine engel olunmadıkça Bölücü Terör Örgütünü ortadan kaldıramayacağını anlayan Türkiye, 1998 yılında kararlı tutumu sayesinde Suriye'yi resmen Bölücü Terör Örgütüne destek sağlamaması konusunda anlaşma imzalamaya zorlayabilmiştir.Türkiye ile Suriye arasındaki sorunlar çözümlenemeyecek problemler değildir. Sorunlar Türkiye'den kaynaklanmadığı gibi Türkiye tarafından halledilemeyecek kadar güç de değildir. Önemli olan husus Türkiye'nin gücünün farkında olması ve bu sorunları çözebilme iradesini oluşturabilmesidir. SUMMARYAlthough there is geographical and cultural proximity between Turkey and Syria, because of some prejudices coming from history, a good neighbourhood relationship could not be set up . From the foundation of Turkish Republic, Turkey has been followed the policies that based on the "Peace at Home, Peace at the World" watchword principle. Controversially, Syria has been taken guide the thought for the expand of the Arabic Nationalism's motherland borders to Toros Mountains, (the annexation of Hatay is a good example for this) and also Syria has become the supporter and likeminded to all facilities that are hostile to Turkey . Today, between Turkey and Syria, the following problems are existing; firstly Syria's support to Dividing Terror Organization, the sharing of Fırat River Water, The rights claims over Hatay, cutting the water of Asi River, the condition of Turkish minority, determination of territorial waters and signing of continent borders . Because of unrecognised attitude of Syria and dialog deficiency, even basic problems can not be solved. Because of the geopolitics position of Turkey, Some Countries, that do not want Turkey as a Power at the region, use Syria, profit by its political and diplomatically weakness, so that they have an attitude that support the developing conditions and balances hostile to Turkey. At this frame, the following problems are existing; The passing over the border water problem, which existing from the Syria's thoughts about the Turkey's using the Fırat and Dicle waters against them as trump and restraint tool (as a result of GAP), using the PKK Dividing Terror Organization as a tool for solving the problems in favour of Syria, usually getting the thought of the region of Hatay as an Arabic land, and attitudes to Turkey at the international platforms. Syria wants to block Turkey for not being a power with abort weak and squeeze to corner. Water problem is not a real problem. Syria's thoughts against to Hatay is not a thought of' Syria s Arabic Common People, but it is the Administrative Authority's thoughts. Turkey should not negotiate about the Waters, that passes through the border . At the place of the mathematical thesis of the sharing between Iraq and Syria, the 3 level plan, that based on the scientific notions, should introduce at the scientific and political international platforms and should look for supports about it. The basic elements, that manage the cooperation between Turkey and Israel, is the national interests (so important for the Turkish Republic). The agreements (done with Israel) has become a element that causing the esp. the threats of Syria and Iran to give up a plan and has turn round the regional balance to Turkey. The proximity at the military area between the Turkey and Israel will empower the relationship between this two country at the future and will lead strategically proximity between them and as a result of this there will be peace winds at the region. Nowadays, Syria intends the support the terror organizations against to Turkey and with this way taking concession. After Asala, support to Dividing Terror Organization, today this become to "Armed Attack" not a simple border attack or guerrilla warfare. Finally, Turkey has realized that without preventing the support of original countries to Dividing Terror Organization, the termination of this organization is impossible, so that in 1998 Turkey force Syria to sign an agreement about not supporting the Dividing Terror Organization formally. Problems between Turkey and Syria can be solved. Problems do not a fault of Turkey and these are not so hard to solve. The important subject is that Turkey should become the aware of its power and develop the solving ability will power.
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American Perspectives on Turkey: An Evaluation of the Declassified U.S. Documents between 1947 and 1960
In: New perspectives on Turkey: NPT, Band 25, S. 77-101
ISSN: 1305-3299
During the interwar years, U.S.-Turkish relations had been confined within the boundaries of conventional diplomacy. By the end of World War II, the Truman Doctrine of 1947 and the military assistance agreement that drew on it marked the beginning of a series of bilateral and multilateral agreements that bound the two nations together in the military as well as political, economic, and cultural fields. However, relations between the two states did not always proceed on a smooth path. Hence, the relatively optimistic, formative years of 1947-1960 were followed by the troublesome decades of the 1960s and 1970s. By the 1980s, mutual relations settled back on an upward track, reaching a peak during the Gulf War of 1990-91. With the demise of the Soviet system, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, and the end of the Cold War, some commentators expected the eventual dismantling of NATO and with it the waning of the American connections with Turkey. Turkey's "strategic value" in the eyes of the Americans, it was being argued, would necessarily diminish as the Soviet threat-the main component of this "value"-was disappearing. Developments throughout the 1990s, however, did not fully justify those pessimistic scenarios. In fact, by the mid-1990s, Turkey and the United States, with the occasional participation of other states such as Israel, began to build a so-called strategic partnership to contain regional and local threats (arising in the areas surrounding Turkey and ranging from the Balkans to the Middle East and the Caucasus) that had been unleashed by the destabilizing forces of the post-Cold War period. It should be noted that, during about the same period, U.S.-Turkish relations gained unprecedented new dimensions, economic and cultural, complementing and sometimes overshadowing the military one.
Democratization from above in Response to the International Context: Turkey, 1945–1950
In: New perspectives on Turkey: NPT, Band 17, S. 1-37
ISSN: 1305-3299
On 6 March 1995 the EU-Turkey Association Council took a decision regarding the inauguration of a customs union between the EU and Turkey, following the pattern set out in the Ankara Agreement of 1963 and the Additional Protocol of 1970. The Council's decision received the European Parliament's assent on 13 December 1995, enabling it to enter into force on 1 January 1996. Following the Association Council's customs union decision, the Turkish government has launched a series of democratizing and liberalizing reforms. It is apparent that the tactical goal of the Turkish government for initiating the reforms has been to persuade the European Parliament to give its consent to the Association Council's customs union decision. The government's strategic goal, on the other hand, has been to fulfill the necessary political conditions, such as those formulated in the June 1993 Copenhagen meeting of the European Council, of Turkey's qualification for full membership in the EU.
"Bizi yanlış tanıyorlar...": Avrupalıların Türkiye ve Türkler hakkındaki algıları
In: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi yayınları 400
In: Araştırma 5
Turkey's "Culturalization" in EU Public Opinion: Observations on the Findings of an Opinion Survey
In: Growing Together, Growing Apart, S. 145-164
Perceptions of Islam in Europe: culture, identity and the Muslim 'other'
In: Library of modern religion 14
"For centuries, the Islamic world has been represented as the 'other' within European identity constructions -- an 'other' perceived to be increasingly at odds with European forms of modernity and culture. With the perceived gap between Islam and Europe widening, leading scholars come together in this book to explore the ways in which Europeans have come to rethink who they are, their historical origins and their future destinations by way of rethinking their experiences with Muslims and Islam (in the plural) -- both inside and outside Europe. In a ground breaking social-scientific study of Islam in Europe, this book goes beyond a descriptive account of the 'problems' of Muslim communities to provide genuine and realistic analyses about perceptions of Islam in the West. Looking at encounters between the two 'worlds' in both historical and contemporaary contexts, it bridges these analyses with in-depth case studies from Britain, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Turkey and other parts of the European Union. The themes explored in this book are not limited to either the modernist 'integration' or post-modernist 'multiculturalism' models of the study of Islam in the West. Instead, the authors critique and challenge such widely used concepts in examining Europe-Islam encounters as secularism, laicism, gender, integration, assimilation, multiculturalism, colonialism and globalization. They examine how, in the practice of European daily life, Muslim and European understandings of the sacred and the profane, sensitivities, rituals, cuisines, musical traditions, dances, superstitions, patterns of solidarity, work habits, political attitudes, sexual tendencies and the like interact and give birth to hybrid cultural identities. 'Perceptions of Islam in Europe' goes beyond the usual dichotomies of 'clashes of civilizations' and 'cultural conflict' to try to understand the numerous, diverse and multifaceted ways -- some conflictual, some peaceful -- in which cultural exchanges have taken place historically, and which continue to take place, between the Muslim and non-Muslim worlds"-- Publisher's description, p. [2] of dust jacket
A Defiant and Critical Female Voice in the Eighteenth Century: Mary Hays and the Memoirs of Emma Courtney
In: Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Philologia, Band 62, Heft 1, S. 201-210
ISSN: 2065-9652
The three–way interactions of gender, supervisor's gender, and country on the strategies for managing conflict of millennials: an exploratory study in 10 countries
In: The International journal of conflict management: IJCMA, Band 33, Heft 5, S. 762-781
ISSN: 1758-8545
PurposeThis field study aims to investigate the interactive relationships of millennial employee's gender, supervisor's gender and country culture on the conflict-management strategies (CMS) in ten countries (USA, China, Turkey, Germany, Bangladesh, Portugal, Pakistan, Italy, Thailand and Hong Kong).Design/methodology/approachThis exploratory study extends past research by examining the interactive effects of gender × supervisor's gender × country on the CMS within a single generation of workers, millennials. The Rahim Organizational Conflict Inventory–II, Form A was used to assess the use of the five CMS (integrating, obliging, dominating, avoiding and compromising). Data analysis found CMS used in the workplace are associated with the interaction of worker and supervisor genders and the national context of their work.FindingsData analysis (N= 2,801) was performed using the multivariate analysis of covariance with work experience as a covariate. The analysis provided support for the three-way interaction. This interaction suggests how one uses the CMS depends on self-gender, supervisor's gender and the country where the parties live. Also, the covariate – work experience – was significantly associated with CMS.Research limitations/implicationsOne of the limitations of this study is that the authors collected data from a collegiate sample of employed management students in ten countries. There are significant implications for leading global teams and training programs for mid-level millennials.Practical implicationsThere are various conflict situations where one conflict strategy may be more appropriate than others. Organizations may have to change their policies for recruiting employees who are more effective in conflict management.Social implicationsConflict management is not only important for managers but it is also important for all human beings. Individuals handle conflict every day and it would be really good if they could handle it effectively and improve their gains.Originality/valueTo the best of the authors' knowledge, no study has tested a three-way interaction of variables on CMS. This study has a wealth of information on CMS for global managers.