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Trust is a core issue in online climate communication where communicators are found to be diverse. This study explores the trust strategies used by different communicators and their audience acceptance in climate communication on Zhihu through Qualitative Comparative Analysis. The results indicate there are structured differences in the trust strategies adopted by scientist communicators and citizen science communicators when facing climate change issues. In terms of audience acceptance, audiences have shown considerable initiative and exhibited an acceptance characteristic with certain Chinese cultural features which highlights the context of acceptance in the research and practices of trust issues in climate communication.

In response to a series of strikes in south China in 2010, a new model of collective bargaining has emerged, featuring what this article describes as "moderated mobilization." Distinct from what is typically known as China's quadripartite industrial relations system, whereby workers are separated from the party-state, official trade unions and employers, this model shows workers and enterprise-level trade unions in collaboration with one another. According to our observations from 2012 to 2017, some enterprise unions have successfully mobilized workers throughout the collective bargaining process. These unions are democratically elected by workers and are relatively independent from the official authorities. At the same time, they have "moderated" such mobilization particularly to reduce labour militancy, given the political and institutional constraints within which they must work. The implication of this new model is significant. Although it might be far from solving the quadripartite dilemma, it has signalled an increase in local initiatives among enterprise unions – a previously neglected but pragmatically favourable channel for workers. (China Q/GIGA)

Purpose
The purpose of this paper is to illustrate that some enterprise unions in South China, as strategic labor actors, made local progress in collective bargaining, but further elaborates on why gainful bargaining would require a more systematic understanding of the prevailing industrial structure.


Design/methodology/approach
This paper is mainly drawn from intensive site visits and 51 in-depth interviews in 2013 and 2014, and several follow-ups up to 2018. Three cases of collective bargaining, featuring different union strategies of assertive negotiation, informal cooperation and direct confrontation, are discussed in detail.


Findings
The study illustrates that viable collective bargaining with worker-supported unions is possible in China. However, the effectiveness of bargaining does not count on this alone; the supply chain structure also imposes significant constraints, mainly by narrowing the bargaining scope of each supplier and differentiating the structural power of their unions. In these cases, institutionalized union coordination beyond individual suppliers is proposed.


Research limitations/implications
These cases began as post-strike bargaining in Japanese auto supply chains and became the frontier of industrial relations in China. The impact of the supply chain in different sectors or regions requires further study.


Originality/value
This paper draws attention to the effect of an "invisible" but increasingly significant factor, industrial structure, on enterprise-level collective bargaining in China, unlike many previous criticisms of unwillingness or incompetence among labor actors.

ABSTRACTResearch on Chinese trade unions has privileged a state‐centred, structuralist approach, while the question of union agency has remained undertheorized. Seeking to overcome this limitation, this article examines the agency, the strategies and practice, and the limits and potentials of enterprise union reform in China's auto parts industry driven by worker activism since the wave of auto strikes in 2010. Drawing on in‐depth fieldwork conducted in Guangzhou and Chongqing between 2011 and 2017, the authors reveal variegated but constrained grassroots union agency and identify four key factors to explain the variations in the operation and reform of enterprise unions. Contrary to the common perception that Chinese trade unions are of no value to workers, the authors argue that, driven by worker activism and under specific circumstances, democratically elected enterprise unions are able to exploit certain operational space within the existing political and institutional constraints to carry out substantive collective bargaining and adaptive, incremental reforms, which have improved workers' material well‐being and union representativeness and effectiveness. However, given the authoritarian regime and state‐controlled union structure, the space for grassroots union agency is severely restricted and contingent on broader political and economic environments. With growing state repression, the future of worker‐driven grassroots union reform is unclear.

AbstractIn response to a series of strikes in south China in 2010, a new model of collective bargaining has emerged, featuring what this article describes as "moderated mobilization." Distinct from what is typically known as China's quadripartite industrial relations system, whereby workers are separated from the party-state, official trade unions and employers, this model shows workers and enterprise-level trade unions in collaboration with one another. According to our observations from 2012 to 2017, some enterprise unions have successfully mobilized workers throughout the collective bargaining process. These unions are democratically elected by workers and are relatively independent from the official authorities. At the same time, they have "moderated" such mobilization particularly to reduce labour militancy, given the political and institutional constraints within which they must work. The implication of this new model is significant. Although it might be far from solving the quadripartite dilemma, it has signalled an increase in local initiatives among enterprise unions – a previously neglected but pragmatically favourable channel for workers.

In recent decades, the mangrove area in China has changed dramatically, and governments have established multiple mangrove protected areas at various levels. However, we know little about the effectiveness of conservation on mangroves on a national scale. In this study, we constructed an evaluation index system for landscape health and proposed a landscape health composite index (LHCI) to characterize the landscape health status of mangroves. Based on the distribution dataset of mangrove forests mangrove in the recent 40 years, we evaluated the conservation effectiveness of mangrove reserves in China from a perspective of landscape health. The dynamics of mangrove areas show that the mangrove area in 83% of the reserves increased after the establishment of reserves. Additionally, the increase in mangrove area in provincial-level, municipal-level, and county-level reserves was higher than that in national-level reserves, and the most significant increase in mangrove area was in Guangxi, followed by Fujian and Hong Kong. The evaluation results show that mangrove reserves have achieved outstanding conservation effectiveness in China, with 43% of the reserves significantly improving the landscape health status of mangroves and 35% of the reserves maintaining good condition. The reserves in Guangxi, Guangdong, and Fujian Provinces showed more significant protective effects. Specifically, the most effective reserves protecting mangroves were the Qi'ao Island reserve, Maowei Gulf reserve, and Enping reserve. This study may provide references for formulating a rapid evaluation method of conservation effectiveness based on remote sensing and promote the scientific management of protected areas and the ecological restoration of mangroves in China.