Suchergebnisse

ObjectiveThe objectives are to (1) determine the extent to which problem priorities of migrant workers differ from attitudes of both nonmigrating rural peasants and urban workers and (2) attempt to explain those differences as resulting from either relative deprivation or relative awareness.MethodsUsing data from a nationwide representative survey of Chinese adults, analyses include both cross‐tabulation and multiple regression.ResultsRural migrants are indeed significantly more likely than at‐home peasants to give high priority to solving several "economic" problems as well as environmental pollution and crime.ConclusionThe problem identifications of hundreds of millions of rural migrant workers have plausibly been altered by their experience as rural‐to‐urban migrants. Of broader theoretical significance, the findings of this study suggest not only that citizens' attitudes can be shaped significantly by their environment, but that change in a citizen's attitudes may result when a citizen experiences a dramatic change in environment.

ObjectiveThis article explores whether there are different consequences from Internet use—in the form of changed political attitudes—for older Chinese as compared to their younger counterparts.MethodsUsing data from a nationwide representative survey of Chinese adults, analyses include both cross‐tabulation and multiple regression.ResultsIt is found that millennials are more open to political change than are older Chinese, that older Internet users—as compared to older nonusers—have attitudes more similar to those of millennials, and that differences in attitudes are greater between older users and nonusers than between millennial users and nonusers.ConclusionThe findings support the conclusion that Internet use has had greater consequences for changed political attitudes for older Chinese than for their younger counterparts.

What kind of content do citizens in a developing and authoritarian country like to acquire from Western free media? What are the effects of their potentially selective exposure? In a survey experiment involving 1,200 Chinese internet users from diverse socio-demographic backgrounds, this study finds that Chinese citizens with higher pro-Western orientations and lower regime evaluations are more inclined to read content that is positive about foreign countries or negative about China. More importantly, reading relatively positive foreign media content about foreign countries can improve rather than worsen the domestic evaluations of citizens who self-select such content. The article argues that this is because reputable Western media outlets' reports are generally more realistic than overly rosy information about foreign socio-economic conditions that popularly circulates in China. Consequently, foreign media may have a corrective function and enhance regime stability in an authoritarian country by making regime critics less critical. The article also introduces a new variant of the patient preference trial design that integrates self-selection and random assignment of treatments in a way that is useful for studying information effects.

AbstractThis study addresses whether individuals who were sent down during the Cultural Revolution reveal different political attitudes from those who were socialized during the same period but were not themselves sent down. Using data from the urban sample of the 2006 General Social Survey of China, the authors find evidence that formerly sent-down youth – and particularly sent-down women – as compared to their not-sent-down peers, are today more willing to accept the class-struggle foundation of Mao's communist ideology but are, at the same time, more willing to assess the performance and structure of the communist regime critically.

This study addresses whether individuals who were sent down during the Cultural Revolution reveal different political attitudes from those who were socialized during the same period but were not themselves sent down. Using data from the urban sample of the 2006 General Social Survey of China, the authors find evidence that formerly sent-down youth - and particularly sent-down women - as compared to their not-sent-down peers, are today more willing to accept the class-struggle foundation of Mao's communist ideology but are, at the same time, more willing to assess the performance and structure of the communist regime critically. (China Q/GIGA)

Objective The main objective of this article is to explore whether age seems to affect political attitudes and behavior in authoritarian China and, if so, whether 'generation' seems to matter, in addition to 'age' itself, in driving differences among age cohorts. Methods The primary analytical method of identifying 'perturbations' (Watts, 1999) focuses on determining deviations from what are considered to be established Western democratic 'baselines' for various age-behavior/attitude relationships, drawing upon regime type and 'generational differences' as primary factors in explaining the deviations. Results and Conclusion Among all of the results, the most consistent pattern and conclusion is that of a 'One Child' generation that is markedly different from its predecessors, and not just due to youthfulness. Adapted from the source document.

ObjectiveThe main objective of this article is to explore whether age seems to affect political attitudes and behavior in authoritarian China and, if so, whether "generation" seems to matter, in addition to "age" itself, in driving differences among age cohorts.MethodsThe primary analytical method of identifying "perturbations" (Watts, 1999) focuses on determining deviations from what are considered to be established Western democratic "baselines" for various age‐behavior/attitude relationships, drawing upon regime type and "generational differences" as primary factors in explaining the deviations.Results and ConclusionAmong all of the results, the most consistent pattern and conclusion is that of a "One Child" generation that is markedly different from its predecessors, and not just due to youthfulness.

Introduction -- 1. Institutional designs and prospect of democracy -- 2. Why presidentialism is dangerous: An institutional perspective of the attitudinal foundation of political violence in democracy -- 3. Presidentialism and violent attitudes: Evidence from the World Value Survey -- 4. Presidentialism and violent behavior: Evidence from the Asian Barometer Survey -- 5. Presidentialism and democratic crisis: A two-step examination of the global democracies.

AbstractObjectiveThe purpose of this research is to explore whether the location of a citizen's residence is an important source of explanation for nationalistic attitudes in China.MethodsUsing data from a nationwide representative survey of Chinese adults and a multidimensional approach to nationalism, analyses include bivariate correlation and multiple regression.ResultsSignificant support is found for 12 of 16 hypotheses linking "location variables" to specific types of nationalistic attitudes, even when modeling with a substantial set of controls. The hypothesis‐supporting evidence touches on three of the four dimensions of nationalism covered here.ConclusionIn regard to the development of nationalistic attitudes in China, location matters.

AbstractWhen a war directly intrudes citizens' living space, it becomes a war of necessity for the public to defend themselves. However, current literature on public support for war has focused exclusively on wars of choice, not of necessity. Thus, we wonder if existing indicators of war support have explanatory power in this context. In this article, we examine existing indicators in a war of necessity—a cross-Strait conflict between Taiwan and China—to study how the public in Taiwan reacts. In addition to finding support for most of our hypotheses, the new context also contributes novel findings to the literature.