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<p>Fifty years ago, the term model minority was coined to describe the extraordinary ability of Asian Americans to overcome hardship to succeed in American society. Less well-known is how the model minority stereotype was cultivated within the context of Black-White race relations during the second half of the 20th century, and how this stereotype, in turn, has contributed to the understanding and prioritization of health disparities experienced by Asian Americans. The objectives of this article are to define the model minority stereotype, present its controversies, and provide examples of its social and health-related consequences (ie, implications for obesity and tobacco) across multiple levels of society and institutions. A salient theme throughout the examples provided is the limitation of data presented at the aggregate level across all Asian subgroups which masks meaningful disparities. The intent is to increase the visibility of Asian Americans as a racial/ethnic minority group experiencing chronic disease health disparities and deserving of health-related resources and consideration. <em>Ethn Dis</em>. 2016;26(1):133-138;doi:10.18865/ed.26.1.133</p>

Immigration has been historically and contemporarily racialized in the United States. Although each immigrant group has unique histories, current patterns, and specific experiences, racialized immigrant groups such as Latino, Asian, and Arab immigrants all experience health inequities that are not solely due to nativity or years of residence but also influenced by conditional citizenship and subjective sense of belonging or othering. Critical race theory and intersectionality provide a critical lens to consider how structural racism might uniquely impact the health of racialized immigrants, and to understand and intervene on the interlocking systems that shape these shared experiences and health consequences. We build on and synthesize the work of prior scholars to advance how society codifies structural disadvantages for racialized immigrants into governmental and institutional policies and how that impacts health via three key pathways that emerged from our review of the literature: (1) Formal racialization via immigration policy and citizenship status that curtails access to material and health resources and political and civic participation; (2) Informal racialization via disproportionate immigration enforcement and criminalization including on-going threats of detention and deportation; and (3) Intersections with economic exploitation and disinvestment such as labor exploitation and neighborhood disinvestment. We hope this serves as a call to action to change the dominant narratives around immigrant health, provides conceptual and methodological recommendations to advance research, and illuminates the essential role of the public health sector to advocate for changes in other sectors including immigration policy, political rights, law enforcement, labor protections, and neighborhood investment, among others.

Objective: Although the fastest growing mi­nority group, Asian Americans receive little attention in mental health research. More­over, aggregated data mask further diversity within Asian Americans. This study aimed to examine depression risk by detailed Asian American subgroup, and further assess de­terminants within and between three Asian ethnic subgroups.Methods: Needs assessment surveys were collected in 16 Asian American subgroups (six Southeast Asian, six South Asian, and four East Asian) in New York City from 2013-2016 using community-based sampling strategies. A final sample of N=1,532 com­pleted the PHQ-2. Bivariate comparisons and multivariable logistic models explored differences in depression risk by subgroup.Results: Southeast Asians had the greatest depression risk (19%), followed by South Asians (11%) and East Asians (9%). Among Southeast Asians, depression risk was associ­ated with lacking health insurance (OR=.2, 95% CI: 0-.6), not having a provider who speaks the same language (OR=3.2, 95% CI: 1.3-8.0), and lower neighborhood social cohesion (OR= .94, 95% CI: .71-.99). Among South Asians, depression risk was associated with greater English proficiency (OR=3.9, 95% CI: 1.6-9.2); and among East Asians, depression risk was associated with ≤ high school education (OR=4.2, 95% CI: 1.2-14.3). Additionally, among Southeast Asians and South Asians, the high­est depression risk was associated with high levels of discrimination (Southeast Asian: OR=9.9, 95% CI: 1.8-56.2; South Asian: OR=7.3, 95% CI: 3.3-16.2).Conclusions: Depression risk and deter­minants differed by Asian American ethnic subgroup. Identifying factors associated with depression risk among these groups is key to targeting limited public health resources for these underserved communities. Ethn Dis. 2020;30(4):553-562; doi:10.18865/ed.30.4.553

Introduction
Immigration has been identified as an important social determinant of health (SDH), embodying structures and policies that reinforce positions of poverty, stress, and limited social and economic mobility. In the public health literature with regard to diet, immigration is often characterized as an individual-level process (dietary acculturation) and is largely examined in one racial/ethnic subgroup at a time. For this narrative review, we aim to broaden the research discussion by describing SDH common to the immigrant experience and that may serve as barriers to healthy diets.


Methods
A narrative review of peer-reviewed quantitative, qualitative, and mixed methods studies on cardiometabolic health disparities, diet, and immigration was conducted.


Results
Cardiometabolic disease disparities were frequently described by racial/ethnic subgroups instead of country of origin. While cardiovascular disease and obesity risk differed by country of origin, diabetes prevalence was typically higher for immigrant groups vs United States (US)-born individuals. Common barriers to achieving a healthy diet were food insecurity; lack of familiarity with US food procurement practices, food preparation methods, and dietary guidelines; lack of familiarity and distrust of US food processing and storage methods; alternative priorities for food purchasing (eg, freshness, cultural relevance); logistical obstacles (eg, transportation); stress; and ethnic identity maintenance.


Conclusions
To improve the health of immigrant populations, understanding similarities in cardiometabolic health disparities, diet, and barriers to health across immigrant communities—traversing racial/ethnic subgroups—may serve as a useful framework. This framework can guide research, policy, and public health practices to be more cohesive, generalizable, and meaningfully inclusive.