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International audience ; Since the 1990s suburbanization has been continuing in China along with the deepening of market transition. Based on the newest population census, this paper identifies some major new trends of suburbanization in Beijing. The process of suburbanization has gone beyond purely government-initiated relocation of households and polluting industries. The new round of suburbanization has been driven by the construction of suburban villas and affordable housing, rising private car ownership, the decentralization of industry, and the development of large suburban shopping malls and retail parks. Passively relocated households are no longer the dominant source of suburbanization. Suburbanization in Beijing has evolved into a new stage of more market-oriented development in the suburbs.

Since the 1990s suburbanization has been continuing in China along with the deepening of market transition. Based on the newest population census, this paper identifies some major new trends of suburbanization in Beijing. The process of suburbanization has gone beyond purely government-initiated relocation of households and polluting industries. The new round of suburbanization has been driven by the construction of suburban villas and affordable housing, rising private car ownership, the decentralization of industry, and the development of large suburban shopping malls and retail parks. Passively relocated households are no longer the dominant source of suburbanization. Suburbanization in Beijing has evolved into a new stage of more market-oriented development in the suburbs.

China's fifth population census taken on 1 November 2000 reveals that the mainland had a total population of 1,265.83 million, of which 455.94 million were urban residents (chengzhen renkou). This suggests that the level of urbanization was 36.09 per cent. Whereas this is a reasonable figure that appears to fit well the general rising trend of urbanization shown in the previous four censuses, the levels of urbanization reported in the five censuses are not really comparable because the criteria used to enumerate "urban" population have been different for different censuses. Before the State Statistical Bureau produces a set of comparable figures on the levels of China's urbanization based on a set of uniform criteria, the problem of data incomparability concerning the levels of urbanization will continue to baffle users. This report analyses the statistical criteria defining China's urban population used in the 2000 census, compares them with the criteria of the previous censuses and presents two sets of adjusted and internally coherent time-series data to remedy the problem of data incomparability.

Asian urbanization is entering a new phase that differs significantly from the patterns of city growth experienced in other developing countries and in the developed world. According to a recent hypothesis, zones of intensive economic interaction between rural and urban activities are emerging. The zones appear to be a new form of socioeconomic organization that is neither rural nor urban, but preserves essential ingredients of each. The landscapes in these extended metropolitan zones have changed little over decades. Most people live in villages, and almost all of the land is under cultivation. However, most income now comes from non-agricultural sources. Village and small-town industries provide employment for some family members, who help out in the fields only at planting or harvesting time. Others commute to jobs in the central cities. Still others live in the cities and their satellites, remitting portions of their salaries to the family. This study elaborates on this hypothesis through studies of urban areas in China, India, Indonesia and Japan. Contributors offer different perspectives from a variety of disciplines including geography, regional planning, sociology, economics and public administration. All seek to determine how rapidly, under what circumstances, and on what scale the extended metropolis is emerging