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Abstract
Indigenous Peoples' advocacy has enabled them to position themselves in global debates on climate change. Although the international community progressively acknowledges Indigenous Peoples' contributions to climate action, their effective recognition in national climate governance remains marginal. This article analyses Indigenous Peoples' recognition in the climate governance of Latin American states based on a document analysis of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) submitted between 2016 and March 2022. A content analysis and a frequency analysis were conducted on 30 documents. Mentions related to Indigenous Peoples in the NDCs are increasing; nevertheless, this recognition reproduces the multicultural approach that has characterized Latin American states' legislations and thereby undermines the coherence of climate policy. The references mainly allude to cultural diversity and climatic vulnerability without addressing the ongoing territorial conflicts that mediate the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and states. Nor do the NDCs recognize the right of Indigenous Peoples to participate at the different levels of climate change decision-making processes. Intercultural recognition of Indigenous Peoples and better standards of participation in climate change governance are mandatory. However, states must first promote institutional transformations to address the historical and institutional factors that have produced Indigenous Peoples' climate vulnerability and generate the necessary mechanisms to implement the recognition committed to in the NDCs.

Significance Statement
The decisions of the Conference of the Parties of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change progressively encourage the participation of Indigenous Peoples and consider their knowledge in decision-making processes. Our article explores how this recommendation is assumed in Latin America through the analysis of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs)—the national pledges in the context of the Paris Agreement for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions and adaptation to climate change. Our findings reveal that the mentions and recognition of Indigenous Peoples in NDCs are increasing. This recognition is not matched by promoting full and meaningful intercultural participation. In addition to generating mechanisms for effective participation, addressing the multiple historical and institutional drivers of Indigenous Peoples' climate vulnerability is necessary.

Chile is experiencing a novel crafting of a new Constitution by a Constituent Convention fully elected by the people. This process incorporated reserved seats for indigenous people, which intensified the debate on the constitutional recognition of them as Chile is one of the few countries in Latin America with no recognition at the constitutional level. This article makes a systematic qualitative analysis of the programmatic platforms presented by all indigenous candidates toward this Constituent Convention. We were able to identify five different types of platformssuggesting that, even though most proposals are promoting a "plurinational" state, there are relevant differences among such documents. We argue that the concept of "plurinationalism" adopt different meanings and uses among indigenous actors, which is indicative of a highly controversial political concept that has not crystalized in a common and unified notion of what it means. ; Chile vive un proceso inédito de definición de una nueva Constitución por parte de una convención electa por la ciudadanía. Este proceso incorporó la figura de escaños reservados para pueblos originarios, lo que ha intensificado el debate sobre el reconocimiento de pueblos indígenas a nivel constitucional, tema que ubica a Chile entre los pocos países de América Latina que no lo han hecho. En este artículo se analiza sistemática y cualitativamente las propuestas programáticas presentadas por las candidaturas indígenas a la Convención Constitucional en Chile, identificando cinco tipos de programas de acuerdo a las propuestas que se sugieren. El estudio demuestra que, aunque la mayoría de los programas propone establecer un Estado "plurinacional", las dimensiones específicas que se incorporan bajo dicha etiqueta son mucho más diversas y complejas de lo que solemos pensar. Sostenemos que, al menos a nivel de las candidaturas a constituyente, el concepto "plurinacionalidad" es dúctil y no necesariamente ha cristalizado en un significado común o único del sentido que debiese adoptar la relación Estado-pueblos indígenas.