Suchergebnisse

Introduction : feminisms and the German political regimes -- Political opportunity structures and feminist protest in thought and practice: the German historical legacy and women's mobilization in East and West Germany, 1945-1989 -- The East German "stateless state" period and feminist mobilization -- The closing of the political opportunity structure and feminist differentiation -- A closed opportunity structure : German unification and "double gender marginalization" -- The East and West German women's movements and the German State -- Democratization without women : comparisons to other Eastern European Countries

Mit dem GATS und der EU-Dienstleistungsrichtlinie ist ein Rahmen für den grenzüberschreitenden Handel mit Dienstleistungen geschaffen worden. Frauen sind im Dienstleistungssektor weltweit besonders stark vertreten. Allerdings stellt das Analysedreieck "Handel, Gender und Finanzen" ein bislang kaum untersuchtes Forschungsgebiet dar. Anhand der feministischen Makroökonomie wird der Zusammenhang zwischen Handel, Gender und Finanzen herausgearbeitet.Das zentrale Anliegen der Autorin ist es, die Schnittstelle zu finden, die einerseits den Gender-Aspekt mit Fragen der Handelsliberalisierung verbindet und andererseits die Liberalisierung der Kapitalmärkte mit der Privatisierung der öffentlichen Dienste und Infrastruktur verknüpft. Gerade die staatlichen Haushalte fungieren als wichtige Schnittstelle zwischen den globalen Finanzinstitutionen, dem öffentlichen Sektor und der Liberalisierung des Handels mit Dienstleistungen.Anhand von zwei Fallbeispielen (die Europäische Union und China) wird überprüft, ob die im Rahmen des GATS und der EU-Dienstleistungsrichtlinie forcierten Handelsliberalisierungsprozesse die existierenden Genderungleichheiten perpetuieren, sie akzentuieren oder dazu beitragen, sie zu erodieren. Dies führt zu der Frage, ob eine "Gender-Agenda" in der WTO notwendig und sinnvoll ist

The East German uprising of 1989 was not a male revolution. Indeed, one of the most significant aspects of the fall of East Germany, compared to that of other East European nations, was the presence of women demanding a political role in the newly emerging social order. As one slogan proclaimed, "Without Women There Is No State." Yet despite the determination of these women--and of West German feminist groups--to help shape the future of the German state, their influence remained, in the end, very limited. In this volume, political scientist Brigitte Young draws on in-depth interviews, archival sources, newspapers, and her own observations from 1989 to 1991 to study the goals, strategies, and eventual fate of the German women's movements during this tumultuous period. Young focuses on the relationship between the state and its citizenry, outlining the mobilization of women in four states: the East German and West German states before unification; the "stateless state" in East Germany after the collapse of the Wall, and the West German state during unification. Ultimately she finds that the political opportunity structures opened during the "stateless state" closed again with unification, resulting in what Young calls "double gender marginalization."

The purpose of this Special Issue is to shed light on to the theoretical thicket of the ideational origin and narrative of German orodliberalism and ask whether the ideas of ordoliberalism function as a coherent repertoire or blueprint for Eurozone crisis management. It may have been unintended by German political actors, but the ideas of ordoliberalism have been catapulated from an internationally largely forgotten school of economic thought into the limelight and controversy over Germany's suppposedly insistence on rule-based ordoliberal approach, the authors of this Special Issue hope to start a more nuanced debate on the strength and weakness of ordoliberalism as a theoretical and policy paradugm. The articles of leading German experts on ordoliberalism should at least provide a starting point for an informed discussion.

The G20 Summit Statements differ between the first phase beginning in 2008 to Toronto 2010 and the phase after Toronto. The first period was characterized by shock and the fear that after the collapse of Lehman Brothers the financial system could implode and cause a global economic depression. The emerging stability on the financial markets after 2009 implied that the financial industry was able to reconquer the interpretational sovereignty over financial reforms relying on their structural and discursive power to partially water-down or even block the decisions taken at the summits. Adapted from the source document