Suchergebnisse

The prevailing scholarly wisdom is that weak states, or resource-poor states, are the most prone to civil war. Yet many weak states never experience civil war. Why then are some weak states prone to civil war while others are not? The author offers a theory that explains how dissidents and states interact to jointly produce civil war. In sum, states that repress their citizens are the most likely to kill citizens and to generate dissident violence. This insight resolves an academic puzzle and when tested provides a model with better predictive ability than previous models. Adapted from the source document.

The prevailing scholarly wisdom is that weak states, or resource-poor states, are the most prone to civil war. Yet many weak states never experience civil war. Why then are some weak states prone to civil war while others are not? The author offers a theory that explains how dissidents and states interact to jointly produce civil war. In sum, states that repress their citizens are the most likely to kill citizens and to generate dissident violence. This insight resolves an academic puzzle and when tested provides a model with better predictive ability than previous models.

International negotiations can be modeled as a two-level process that involves competing interests within & between groups. This modified simulation of the classic prisoner's dilemma introduces students to the negotiation process & challenges them to consider how different decision structures can affect outcomes. Students fill both leadership & negotiation roles & gain an active learning experience that exposes them to important international relations concepts. All of the instructions, handouts, & materials are included to provide instructors of international relations or comparative politics with a resource that can be utilized with groups of varying size, ability, & composition. References. Adapted from the source document.

Leftists seem to be on the rise in Latin America, but it is unclear to what extent this impacts policy. Thus, a crucial question hangs over this apparent 'shift' in regional preferences: does the left have any real options to offer? Or in Latin America in an age of globalization, 'what's left for the left?' The contending perspectives are compared, and then the evidence is evaluated using a series of econometric models. In sum, no discernible policy differences between the left and the rest were found. In the conclusion, the implications of this result for Latin American democracy are discussed. Adapted from the source document.