This paper is concerned with the link between studies of welfare typologies and studies of international social work. Its objective is to show how welfare typologies could be used to strengthen the role of international social work practices to support international exchange of ideas on welfare issues. To meet this objective, three analytical tasks are implemented. The first task is to show that professional imperialism could weaken the potential of international social work practices to promote international exchange of ideas on welfare issues. The second task is to discuss the importance of welfare typologies in supporting the development of international social work by challenging professional imperialism. The third task is to discuss a research project on a defamilization typology. This project provides empirical evidence of the contributions made by welfare typologies to international social work practices.
The Hong Kong Government is a well‐known believer in laissez faire values and capitalism. However, it provides massive public housing programmes. In order to reduce the adverse effects of the public housing programmes on capitalism, it has tried to promote the recommodification of public housing by encouraging and assisting public housing tenants to become home owners. The aim of this paper is to study the Hong Kong Government's measures for promoting home ownership. It is argued that these measures are not very effective in reducing the decommodifying effects of the public housing services. Despite the fact that these measures aim to reduce people's dependence on the government and to help them to re‐establish their relation with the private market, they are paradoxically also a kind of decommodification — people can enjoy some benefits independently of how they perform in the private market. Hence, it can be said that the government's measures for promoting home ownership serve more to change the form than to reduce the degree of the decommodification of the public housing services.Le gouvernement de Hong Kong est un partisan bien connu du laissez‐faire et du capitalisme. Il fournit néanmoins des programmes massifs de logement public. Afin de réuire les effets adverses que les programmes de logement public ont sur le capitalisme, il a essayé de promouvoir la recommercialisation du logement public en encourageant et en aidant les locataires du logement public à devenir propriétaires. Le but de cet article est d'étudier les mesures que le gouvernement de Hong Kong a prises afin de promouvoir l'accès à la propriété. Cet essai soutient que ces mesures ne sont pas très efficaces pour réduire les effets de décommercialisation qu'ont les services de logement public. Bien qu'elles aient pour but de réduire la dépendance des habitants du gouvernement et de les aider à rétablir leur rapport avec le marché privé, elles sont aussi, paradoxicalement, une espèce de décommercialisation — dont les gens peuvent bénéficier indépendamment de leur performance sur le marché privé. On peut donc dire que les mesures prises par le gouvernement pour promouvoir l'accès à la propriété servent plus à changer la forme de la décommercialisation des services de logement public qu'à en réduire leur niveau.
This paper intends to investigate the mutual benefits of examining sexual minority people's rights in Hong Kong and Confucianism. It has four objectives. Firstly, it aims to discuss the components of Confucianism. Secondly, it seeks to explore three strategies for promoting Confucianism: 'Ren', 'Li', and 'Ideal Society'. Thirdly, it aims to demonstrate how analysing these strategies can enhance our understanding of the relationship between sexual minority rights in Hong Kong and Confucianism. To achieve this objective, it undertakes two analytical tasks: first, to evaluate criticisms of efforts aimed at strengthening sexual minority people's rights in Hong Kong through the lens of these three strategies; and second, to assess the potential usefulness of these strategies in exploring the compatibility between the sexual minority people's ways of life and Confucianism. Finally, the paper aims to examine how studying sexual minority people's rights in Hong Kong can contribute to the discussion of the Confucian welfare model.
The aim of this paper is to explore the extent to which the sexual division of domestic labour in Hong Kong and mainland China is influenced by traditional Chinese values and contemporary political and economic factors. It discovers that women in these two societies assume far more caring responsibilities than men. This is similar to women in traditional Chinese society. An important reason is that the political and economic conditions in Hong Kong and mainland China favour the reproduction of traditional Chinese values. Hence it can be argued that the unequal division of domestic labour between men and women will continue as long as the political and economic conditions are unfavourable to women.Le but de cet article est d'explorer jusqu'à quel point les valeurs chinoises traditionnelles et les facteurs politiques et économiques contemporains influencent la division sexuelle du travail domestique à Hong Kong et en Chine. Cet article a découvert que, dans ces deux sociétés, les femmes ont beaucoup plus de reponsabilités sociales que les hommes. Ceci est similaire à la société chinoise traditionnelle. Une raison importante est que les conditions politiques et économiques à Hong Kong et en Chine favorisent la reproduction des valeurs chinoises traditionnelles. On peut donc dire que la division inégale du travail domestique entre les hommes et les femmes continuera tant que les conditions politiques et économiques seront désavantageuses pour les femmes.
PurposeThis article aims to link discussions of the role of earnings-related pension measures with time in Hong Kong (HK) and the United Kingdom (UK). It presents a new conceptual "time-based framework" to explore two related types of government response to the way people accumulate pension incomes through participation in paid work. The first is to consider governments' perceptions of appropriate time in work and retirement. The second is to consider how governments use pension measures to influence the connection between the amount of time people spend in paid work and retirement.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual paper. The time-based framework is developed using literature concerning discretionary time and the social construction of time. To explore the empirical significance of this framework, the authors discuss how it can be applied to the analysis of earnings-related pension measures in HK and the UK.FindingsThe evidence generated from the discussion of the earnings-related pension measures in HK and the UK shows that pension policies can serve both as a financial and time instrument. At the same time as influencing the connection between the amount of time people spend in paid work and the pensions they can accumulate, pension policies can be used to convey the government's views on important time issues, namely the appropriate length of time in work and retirement, and the relative value of the time spent in paid work and providing informal care.Originality/valueA new framework is developed to explore the connection between the studies of earnings-related pension measures and time, which is an understudied area.
Defamilisation research is increasingly seen as an important component of studies of welfare and social work. It is concerned with people's vulnerability to defamilisation risks, which are caused by insufficient opportunities for people to choose whether and how they participate in the family. Despite an increasing emphasis on defamilisation research, there has been insufficient attention given to how studies of transnational contacts contribute to defamilisation research. This article argues for the need to expand the scope of defamilisation research to incorporate the concept of 'transnational contact-led strategies' using evidence from focus groups with Chinese older people in the United Kingdom.
AbstractFamilization and defamilization studies are increasingly seen as an important component of welfare research. They are concerned with the threats to the welfare of individuals caused by involuntary participation in the unwanted family relationship. Moreover, they address the idea that governments have the potential to reduce these threats through the provision of welfare measures. This article contributes to the familization and defamilizaion studies with the focus on the link between these studies and the studies of residualization strategies. It carries out three analytical tasks. The first is to present a new defamilization and familization framework. The second is to demonstrate the usefulness of this framework in analyzing the problem of employing the residualization strategies to reform the old‐age income security system. Our focus is particularly on the insufficient sensitivity of these strategies to women's (and men's) diverse preferences relating to ways of organizing their family life. The third is to demonstrate the empirical significance of this framework. To meet this objective, we apply the framework to the investigation of two old‐age income security measures in Hong Kong—the Mandatory Provident Fund and the Comprehensive Social Security Assistance scheme.
Familisation and defamilisation studies are increasingly seen as an important component of welfare research. They are concerned with the threats to individuals' welfare caused by involuntary participation in the unwanted family relationship. Moreover, they address that the government has the potential to reduce these threats through the provision of welfare measures. This article is intended to contribute to the familisation and defamilisaion studies with the focus on the link between these studies and the studies of residualisation strategies. It has two objectives. The first is to present a new defamilisation and familisation framework for examining the implications of the residualisation strategies used by the government to reform the old age income security system. The second is to demonstrate the empirical significance of this framework. To meet these objectives, three analytical tasks are conducted – i. to discuss the key elements of the defamilisation and familisation, ii. to examine the usefulness of this framework in the analysis of the residualisation strategies, and iii. to apply this framework to the investigation of the main old age income security measures in Hong Kong.
This article is intended to explore the link between the study of defamilisation and that of the adult worker model. To meet this purpose, a defamilisation framework for studying issues concerning the adult worker model and defamilisation is developed. To show the empirical significance of these issues, evidence is drawn from a childcare gap typology covering eight European countries. Conducting these analytical tasks provides insights into the development of social work practices for enhancing women's welfare.
This article examines older women's experiences of searching for face masks and handling mask-related issues during COVID-19. Set within the context of the Hong Kong government's policy reaction to the shortage of masks in early 2020, the article draws on interviews with 40 older women in Hong Kong to identify their various forms of vulnerability to welfare threats and their active and diverse responses in times of crisis. The findings reveal the implications of the government's residual policy response for people's vulnerability to welfare threats. They also carry practical implications for the support that social workers can provide.
Based on a newly developed framework, this study examines the responses made by the government to both the male-breadwinner model and the adult worker model. It sheds new insights into possible ways of assisting women to achieve secure retirement .
Purpose – This article explores the link between defamilisation studies and studies of the adult worker model and discusses the mixed implications that government strategies for supporting the adult worker model have for defamilisation. The adult worker model emphasizes that all adult men and women ought to engage in formal employment; defamilisation studies stress the importance of enhancing women's chances of choosing (not) to perform important family roles such as the receiver of financial support and the care provider. Design/methodology/approach – Two new strategies ('condition building' and 'rewarding/penalizing') for promoting the adult worker model are identified based on literature review; their empirical significance is explored through an examination of comparative data concerning early childhood education and care policies (ECEC) and reforms in pension age in fourteen countries. Findings – The evidence shows that promoting the adult worker model does not necessarily benefit all women. While the fourteen countries provide ECEC to varying extents, the increase in pension age in most countries shows that governments adopt a 'rewarding/penalizing' strategy for promoting the adult worker model by allocating major welfare based on people's labour force participation. These pension reforms may generate a negative impact on women's chances of attaining financial autonomy. Originality/value – This study presents two new strategies for promoting the adult worker model and shows the empirical significance of these strategies based on comparative data. It also highlights the importance of searching for alternative concepts, namely economic defamilisation, for guiding pension reforms.
This article builds a bridge between research on the queer economy and that on the mixed economy of welfare by developing the 'queer economy of welfare mix' framework. While the two fields are related, there is a lack of discussion about the queer dimensions of the mixed economy of welfare or the mixed strategies employed by lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ+) individuals to explore the benefits and limitations of the queer economy. The purpose of our framework is to show how local and transnational goods provided by the mixed economy of welfare can enable LGBTQ+ individuals to organise their welfare through the mixed strategies – citizen strategy, consumer strategy, and consumer-citizen strategy. By examining Taiwan's legalised same-sex marriage and its impact on Hong Kong and Mainland China, we demonstrate the empirical significance of the framework, which serves as an analytical tool for examining the government's role in promoting LGBTQ+ individuals' welfare and the challenges involved.
