Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese
government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. By using content analysis and interviews, this paper analyzes
Chinese President Xi's speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government.
It identifies at least five competing diplomatic narratives of the BRI. Different from repetitive literature that explores either
the economic or political implications of the BRI, this paper contributes by exploring the original story that the Chinese
government tries to tell the world. It concludes that initially, the narrative of the BRI has not been portrayed well from the
Chinese side.

Abstract
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. This paper intends to discover the relationship between the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI and its implementation. By using content analysis, this paper analyzes Chinese President Xi's speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government. It identifies the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI: an assemblage of constantly changing policy settings that accommodates various economic and political interests. Also, this paper draws on differences between countries joining the BRI or not, and several case studies to elucidate the implementation of the BRI.Different from repetitive literature that explores either the BRI narratives or its implementation, this paper contributes by combining and comparing the two. Despite positive interpretations of the BRI the Chinese government has adopted, the paper argues that there are no deceptive tricks with skeletons in the closet of the Chinese government, as the BRI public diplomacy narratives are, in general, consistent with its implementation.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central policy of the Chinese government. The initiative is directly associated with President Xi Jinping, who first put forward the BRI in Kazakhstan and Indonesia in 2013, initially as One Belt One Road. Different from repetitive literature that concludes the BRI as China's global strategy, this article makes a contribution to argue that the BRI is China's domestic and non-strategic policy. To justify this argument, this article analyses how the BRI has been embedded into aspects of Chinese domestic policy by revealing its nexuses with Chinese domestic economy, politics and ideology. To deepen the understanding of the BRI's connection with the Chinese economy, this article explores the link between the BRI and China's supply-side structural reform. Meanwhile, this research demystifies the BRI as a global strategy and the difference between joining and rejecting the BRI to prove the BRI's non-strategic essence. In the end, this article discusses the BRI's far-reaching geopolitical influence.

EU-China economic relations are one of the most significant bilateral economic relations in the world. The two sides have gone through more than 40 years together from building diplomatic relations to the present comprehensive strategic partnership. This process cannot be separated from the development of China and the continuous integration of the EU. China has grown from an initially poor and backward developing country to an emerging economy with rising economic and political influence. The EU has experienced several expansions, becoming the most integrated regional organization in the world, from nine member states in the beginning to 28 member states now. The achievements of EU-China cooperation today are not achieved overnight, but a long-term gradual and cumulative process. Therefore, the article reviews the course of China's opening up and the development of the EU, especially focuses on the change of EU and China's foreign trade policies over the time. At the same time, it analyzes almost all the important EU policy documents on China and China's policy documents on the EU. These important documents are some road signs for us to understand why EU-China relations evolved this way, so that we can clearly see the cognitive renewal and adjustment of both sides in the process of interaction. Then, after reviewing the evolution of China-EU economic ties in three stages and analyzing some restrictive factors of current economic and commercial cooperation between EU and China, the article concludes that EU-China economic relations have come to a new stage and it will maintain the coexistence of cooperation and competition for a long time. Therefore, the two parties need to strengthen dialogue and communication, constructively handle the differences. ; Facultad de Ciencias de la Empresa ; Universidad Politécnica de Cartagena

This book focuses on Australian mainstream media narratives about the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) from 2013 to 2020. Set against the background of Sino-Australian relations and taking into account the different media systems of China and Australia, this book also critically investigates the Chinese public diplomacy narratives of the BRI. Drawing on my analysis and semi-structured interviews with prominent experts in this area, the book addresses an important but under-explored question: how have Australian mainstream media narratives portrayed the BRI of the Chinese Government from 2013 to 2020? This book fills a gap regarding the portrayal of the BRI in Australian mainstream media and provides new insights into the reasons for narrative shifts in the coverage of the BRI. More concretely, the book finds that the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI were not explained well by Chinese officials, thus allowing Australian journalists and commentators to project their own negative, fearful narratives of China onto the BRI project, particularly from 2017 onwards. More importantly, this book argues that the Australian Federal Government's policy towards China had a significant impact on the Australian media's coverage of the BRI; that the media clearly followed the Australian Federal Government's lead, and not vice versa. Thus, in many ways, Australian mainstream media narratives of the BRI have had a similar outcome as China's ostensibly much more restrictive and propagandistic state-dominated media system. Noticeably, this book not only has academic significance in the international research community but also holds practical importance in the real world, benefiting Australian business leaders, media professionals, think tank specialists, and policymakers.

What has been referred to as the crisis of trust in social institutions has deep connections with communications, whether it be declining trust in news media and journalism, debates about the power of digital platforms and trust in online environments, questions surrounding media effects, the rise of political populism, or how trust or mistrust shapes interpersonal and intergroup communication. At the same time, trust in communications research has something of a "hidden history" when compared to disciplines such as philosophy, sociology, political science, and economics. Through a systematic literature review of uses of the concept of trust in six journals published by the International Communication Association—Journal of Communication; Communication Theory; Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication; Human Communication Research; Communication, Culture & Critique; and Annals of the International Communication Association (formerly Communication Yearbook)—this article undertakes a chronological and thematic analysis of how research into trust has evolved among communication researchers from the 1950s to 2020. It concludes with a discussion of the distinctive contributions of communications as a scholarly field to trust studies more broadly.

Japan has the world's third largest economy. Internationally, Japan implements a multilateral diplomacy through dialogues and cooperation.

Russia's seizure of Europe's largest nuclear power facility not only risks nuclear catastrophe, but imperils global nuclear governance. The International Atomic Energy Agency needs support in helping preserve safety, security, and safeguards, and establishing useful governance precedents in unprecedented circumstances.