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Institutional scholarship highlights policy as a frozen landscape, explaining its reluctance to depart from the predetermined trajectories. However, this argument needs to be reassessed to better capture the reality of the Indonesian social policy reform, most notably in healthcare. The reform involved sudden and radical changes from a segmented and decentralized model to a more integrated and inclusive one—outside the critical juncture of the 1998 economic crisis—creating a patchwork of old and new ideas and features within policy institutions. Empirical interview data show that path-creation changes in healthcare reform are characterized by a deviation from the path followed as an institutionally embedded principle. This deviation was made possible due to the considerable influence of academics-turned-senior bureaucrats (policy entrepreneurs), who capitalized on the widespread distrust of the ruling government to drive the desired reform. In addition, the success of Obamacare as a populist healthcare program amid the capitalist US system also undermined the legitimacy of policy actors' previous attempts to reject reform. This article helps clarify the development and application of the path-creation theory, comparing it to established theories to reduce ambiguity.

AbstractThis article sets out a coherent framework for debates and discussions on social policy changes during crisis periods. Using Indonesia as a case, this article compares its social policy responses to the 1997–1998 economic crisis and the current COVID‐19 pandemic crisis. Both two crises and their responses, once analysed, lead to an argument that path dependence does not always dominate policy processes, as most literature claims, but rather it operates alongside other path‐creation‐related processes, such as path‐clearing policy accelerators and path‐creation policy accelerators. This article also presents that 'old player' penetration in policy processes does not necessarily preclude alternatives and, in some examined cases, it, instead, strengthens impulses toward substantial reforms. Therefore, revised policies must be viewed as political vehicles for seeking popular support and power reconsolidation as democracy allows. Furthermore, this current analysis contributes to enhancing our understanding of crises, often seen as issues in public policy literature, yet less explored in terms of their importance as unique critical junctures and their implications for social policy changes in multiple paths.

PurposeThe Indonesian healthcare system has been reformed in tune with economic and political changes. The reform was pursued by encouraging growing reliance on individual contributions. Consolidating citizens' support has become increasingly important for the long-term sustainability of the programme. This study explores individual views and experiences in negotiating solutions for health security under the situation where pre-industrial modes of informal network remain intact, while private healthcare continues to be in demand by population segments targeted by the system.Design/methodology/approachIndividual attitudes toward the current healthcare system were explored using online interviews (N = 75) in the cities of Jakarta and Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The qualitative exploratory approach resorted to personal views on the importance of the state, family and market in health risk management. Perceptions on who should be responsible for healthcare, and the political legitimacy of the welfare-state approach to healthcare were also observed. A thematic coding strategy was used for the data analysis.FindingsThose interviewed value and support the formal system (either state and market), yet place reliance on informal support (family and relatives). Intertwining views of religious teaching, filial piety, moral obligation were the most common reasons for individuals to support such dual welfare systems. The findings reflect the common attitudes toward welfare in the context of changing realities of individualised society at the early stage.Originality/valueThis article represents a valuable contribution at the empirical level because it provides an assessment of individuals' attitudes toward Indonesia's recent health arrangements. Such individuals are those belonging to the targeted population of the contributory system. This study also offers an alternative framework for understanding the nature of the healthcare regime generated from the perspectives of individuals.

AbstractIn recent decades, governments in developing countries have been inclined to introduce greater redistributive policies, placing greater emphasis on universal programs than on targeted ones. This article elaborates on the different theoretical perspectives of social policy development in the Global South to explain the emerging features of contemporary healthcare in Indonesia. It is argued that although certain political and structural factors may have collectively created favorable conditions for policy reforms, these factors do not necessarily cause the country to shift toward a universal welfare state. Possible explanations for this may rest on institutional factors, such as the historical‐colonial legacy, which changed the incentive structures within which both new and old welfare institutions operated. Thus, transformation remains stuck at stratified universalism. Moreover, the expansion has not generated a significant reduction in decommodification, defamilization, and declientelization. The case of Indonesia may illustrate the current welfare expansion challenges faced by many developing countries.

AbstractWhat drives social policy development? Most of the literature addressing this issue focuses on the economic crisis and the increase in left power as its causation. On the basis of the Indonesian case, this paper engages in a debate about the clouts of clientelism and familial ethics in shaping social policy path development. This article claims that the quick replacement of productivist welfare regimes with the more inclusive system after Asian Financial Crisis is motivated by increased elites' interest in repositioning their clientelistic network within a public institution. This is occurring while familial precepts are being used as effective moral politics in encouraging kinship networks to internalize social risks during the regime replacement process. Overall, the case of Indonesia reflects the common characteristic of welfare regimes development in East Asian countries where efforts to modernize social policy are conditioned under a situation where democracy is not well‐established and the post‐modern family structure has not fully matured either. Consequently, the development of social policy to a large extent is still confined within a huge clientelistic influence and implemented under the familial ideology. This situation has ultimately retarded welfare state development.

PurposeThe objective of this paper is to understand changes and progress of the Korean childcare regime by examining the evolutional process of childcare initiatives that were developed since the Japanese colonial rule.Design/methodology/approachThis study employed a qualitative-based research design with a particular emphasis on explanatory research. Meanwhile, the data were gathered through the peer-reviewed literature and reports.FindingsThe findings indicate that Korea has had three types of childcare regimes: effective-informal, productivist and inclusive-liberal orientation. It also pinpoints that while the care regime development followed the European regime, the egalitarian society, which is a social prerequisite for modern welfare state-building, has not yet been fully established. This paradoxical situation eventually impedes the development of universal childcare aimed at promoting gender equality and a work-life balance.Originality/valueThis article offers a model and characteristics of the Korean childcare regime dating back to the Japanese colonial period up until the Moon Jae-In administration, where it still receives less attention in most of the social policy literature (see Table 1).

PurposePolitical analyses of the East Asian welfare state development often stress the importance of the power resource model, in which vibrant coalitions between the leftist party, interest groups, civil society and working-class unions have become driving factors in producing generous welfare outcomes. Challenging such analyses, this article discusses the convergence of the political attitude between political actors who are increasingly homogeneous (supportive) when it comes to the universal welfare state notion by focussing on childcare in South Korea.Design/methodology/approachBy using desk review of the peer-reviewed literature and reports, this article investigates the causation for why political parties with different political ideologies were keen on extending childcare programs and its outcome in addressing the existing demographic problems in Korea.FindingsAlthough the collective movement, especially in the 1990s and 2000s, had given important contributions to the early development of childcare in South Korea, more breakthroughs in childcare features were precisely and rapidly developed after politicians from different spectrums of political affiliations converged in their supportive attitude of the universal welfare. The driving factors of political convergence itself are not merely due to electoral competition or political activism; furthermore, it can be linked to the increased global institution involvement in domestic policy with extensive permeability, which, have ruined domestic policy development maintained for ideological reasoning and bring in more popular policy setting.Originality/valueThis article contributes to the growing literature on the political aspect of East Asian social policy studies, which goes beyond the traditional power resource analysis and makes a novel contribution to the childcare policy studies.

PurposeUsing evidence from Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia and Indonesia, the purpose of this paper is to explore how Islamic welfare regime notion evolves in a South East Asian (SEA) context.Design/methodology/approachTo gain a broad frame of reference in discussing Islamic welfare regimes in SEA, this paper employs a combined political-economic and cultural approach to analyze how Islamic welfare ethics in Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia and Indonesia are developed. The specific criterion used to make a comparative analysis of these countries is an interconnection between four levels of Islamic welfare actors (state, market, community and household/relatives) in providing social welfare.FindingsMalaysia and Indonesia have demonstrated the most balanced form of "Islamic welfare diamond" in the relationship between welfare actors, even as the state-centered welfare initiative continues to be expanded, while Brunei has taken a different route. A monarchical political system underpinned by high economic growth has enabled the state to play a major role in welfare distribution, rather than other welfare actors. For this reason, Malaysia and Indonesia are described as having an "Islamic inclusive welfare regime," while Brunei is reported to have an "Islamic welfare state regime."Originality/valueFor the purpose of theoretical advancements, there is no doubt that this paper has proposed an alternative framework to developing an understanding of how the Islamic ethical code is articulated in a wide range of welfare configurations within the "South East Asian context."

AbstractThis article illustrates the emergence of radical local welfare initiatives as a political response to the imperfect national program in decentralization context in Indonesia. In order to gain further understanding of the topic, it is worth reviewing Kulon Progo Regency's experience which recently embarked on removing class stratification at any in‐patient room in all local government‐owned hospitals through "classless hospital policy" initiatives. Using exploratory case study method, this article aims to review the ideational constructions of healthcare decommodification that is displayed on this initiative. It is concluded that the classless hospital policy reflects how social citizenship was organized through the mechanism of idea contestation which originated in the past community's behavior, combined with the vested interest of political regime for then subduing market logics under state power. This circumstance ultimately has provided the groundwork for encouraging innovative welfare outcome.

The issue of social policy development in Indonesia has received considerable critical attention due often not consider non-state actor in the welfare provision. Data from several studies show that welfare system of contemporary Indonesia commonly fits with mix regime model, where the state, kinship relation, and markets play important role in provide social welfare for the society simultaneously. Accordingly, the greater efforts are needed to ensure that policy maker could regulate the ability to stimulate the compatible actor with likely welfare outcomes expected. By taking the empirical case of the Program Bedah Rumah Swadaya in Kulon Progo Regency Yogyakarta, this paper would examine the welfare politics that put community and market institutions as alternative resources to provides the decent houses for disadvantage groups. Correspondingly, this account composed into the three of main parts. The first part begins by laying out a brief overview of the foundation of Kulon Progo welfare system. The second part would identify how the political citizenship dimension is carried out through this programs. While the last part captures the resource arrangements in housing provision.

PurposeThis study examines the public's perception of cash transfers for children in societies where children's welfare is often viewed as a private affair.Design/methodology/approachBased on 12 semi-structured interviews and Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) conducted in urban Jakarta, Indonesia, we explore mothers' perspectives on cash transfer programmes for children within low-income families during fieldwork in October 2023 and January 2024. In addition to the semi-structured interview, a FGD involving parents and other related stakeholders was conducted to increase data accuracy.FindingsOur findings reveal that cash transfers function as a "caregiving allowance" in Jakarta, allowing mothers to prioritize familial obligations while maintaining a reasonable standard of living. Contrary to the "de-familisation" focus observed in advanced welfare countries, these cash transfers for children reinforce traditional family labour division (familisation). Interestingly, despite reinforcing the familisation function, the initiative receives significant support. These results clearly highlight the influence of familisation-oriented welfare production, demonstrating a focus on enhancing family resilience in the design of child-related policies in Indonesia. Overall, these results make clear the visibility of traditional division of labour influences on welfare production, revealing a focus on the familialisation effect in the design of child-related policies in Indonesia. These findings reinforce the suitability of the term "familistic welfare regime" as an appropriate descriptor for Jakarta in particular and Indonesia in general.Originality/valueThis study enriches our understanding of the evolution of child-related assistance in the Global South through a defamilisation lens, shedding light on the complex interplay between gender inequalities and social policy formulation in these regions. Furthermore, it offers valuable insights into the ongoing discourse on welfare regime studies in Indonesia, suggesting that mainstream narratives of productivist transition are only partially validated. The insights garnered from this research open avenues for future studies across diverse contexts.

Established theories of social policy development, such as industrialisation and power resources, have been extensively used to explain the expansion of social policy, predominantly in developed economies. We argue that they may not always be applicable in the Global South. Our article examines multiple factors at play in Indonesia's healthcare policy expansion using qualitative content analysis of historical sources, literature, and nine interviews with key policy architects. Using the pull-and-push factor model, we examined the interactions between policy entrepreneurs and centre-right political parties in creating national healthcare policy architecture and expansion. Our findings confirm that the window of opportunity for expansion was augmented when the political party of the ruling government experienced a decline in public trust, while clientelistic motives among elites facilitated the reform process. Drawing the lesson from Indonesia, we contend push prevails over the pull factors (labour movement and cross-class alliances) in social policy development.