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In: Vies sociales 11
In: Série Psychologie sociale
Intro -- TABLE DES MATIERES -- Série « Psychologie sociale » dirigée par Nicole Dubois -- Introduction -- Chapitre 1. L'attachement au groupe -- Les raisons de l'attachement aux groupes -- Les besoins de survie et de reproduction -- Les besoins de contrôle et de réduction de l'incertitude -- Les besoins de sens et de survie symbolique -- Type de groupes, types de besoins -- Du choix de l'appartenance à l'identification au groupe -- Être membre d'un groupe -- L'autocatégorisation -- Conséquences intergroupes de l'autocatégorisation -- Considérations supplémentaires -- Chapitre 2. La perception et les représentations des groupes -- La perception des groupes -- La catégorisation, l'activation et l'application des stéréotypes -- Le contenu des stéréotypes -- Homogénéité, entitativité et essentialisme -- Les représentations intergroupes -- L'évaluation de la structure intergroupe -- L'évaluation de la menace intergroupe -- Chapitre 3. Des préjugés aux émotions intergroupes -- Les préjugés -- Des facteurs de personnalité aux idéologies -- Les types de préjugés -- Les émotions intergroupes -- Les émotions spécifiques -- Les réactions émotionnelles des groupes dominants -- Les réactions émotionnelles des groupes dominés -- Chapitre 4. La discrimination intergroupe -- Une variété de comportements -- L'appartenance au groupe et comportement intergroupe -- Les comportements de soutien et de maintien du système -- La discrimination dans les groupes dominants -- Les discriminations culturelle, institutionnelle et organisationnelle -- Faire face à la discrimination -- Faire face au stigma -- Les comportements de gestion de l'identité -- Chapitre 5. Du contact intergroupe aux politiques de diversité -- Le contact intergroupe -- Les nouveaux modèles du contact intergroupe -- Le modèle de la personnalisation -- Le modèle de la différentiation mutuelle intergroupe.
Dimensional compensation takes place when perceivers judge one of two social targets higher on one of the two fundamental dimensions while judging the other target higher on the second dimension. Interestingly, the majority of studies on the dimensional compensation effect focused on direct measures, with almost no attempt to rely on more indirect measures. We tested whether dimensional compensation also takes place at a more indirect level (Brief-IAT). In Experiment 1, observers presented with unknown groups dimensionally compensated both directly and indirectly. Experiment 2 had participants assigned to one of two novel groups. Whereas low-competence group members dimensionally compensated on both direct and indirect measures, high-competence group members dimensionally compensated at the direct level but did not conceed any advantage to the low-competence group at the indirect level. As a set, our findings shed new light on direct and indirect dimensionally compensatory judgments as a function of perceivers' vantage points as observers and group members. © The Author(s) 2020.
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Dimensional compensation takes place when perceivers judge one of two social targets higher on one of the two fundamental dimensions while judging the other target higher on the second dimension. Interestingly, the majority of studies on the dimensional compensation effect focused on direct measures, with almost no attempt to rely on more indirect measures. We tested whether dimensional compensation also takes place at a more indirect level (Brief-IAT). In Experiment 1, observers presented with unknown groups dimensionally compensated both directly and indirectly. Experiment 2 had participants assigned to one of two novel groups. Whereas low-competence group members dimensionally compensated on both direct and indirect measures, high-competence group members dimensionally compensated at the direct level but did not conceed any advantage to the low-competence group at the indirect level. As a set, our findings shed new light on direct and indirect dimensionally compensatory judgments as a function of perceivers' vantage points as observers and group members. © The Author(s) 2020.
BASE
La crise de 2015, majoritairement nommée dans les médias « crise migratoire», a aggravé le regard porté sur les migrants, les réfugiés et les demandeurs d'asile en Europe. Fermeture et militarisation des frontières d'une part, chute des taux d'acceptation des demandes d'asile vers l'Europe d'autre part: telles sont quelques unes des réponses à la peur des citoyens européens face à cette «crise». Comme le montrent les travaux des sciences humaines et sociales, certains discours politiques et médiatiques renforcent les stéréotypes négatifs, accentuent les comportements de rejet, enferment progressivement les migrants dans un piège. Et l'émergence d'une logique humanitaire, passant du migrant-menace au migrant-victime, ne permet pas de sortir de l'impasse
BASE
La crise de 2015, majoritairement nommée dans les médias « crise migratoire», a aggravé le regard porté sur les migrants, les réfugiés et les demandeurs d'asile en Europe. Fermeture et militarisation des frontières d'une part, chute des taux d'acceptation des demandes d'asile vers l'Europe d'autre part: telles sont quelques unes des réponses à la peur des citoyens européens face à cette «crise». Comme le montrent les travaux des sciences humaines et sociales, certains discours politiques et médiatiques renforcent les stéréotypes négatifs, accentuent les comportements de rejet, enferment progressivement les migrants dans un piège. Et l'émergence d'une logique humanitaire, passant du migrant-menace au migrant-victime, ne permet pas de sortir de l'impasse
BASE
In: Social psychology, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 36-45
ISSN: 2151-2590
The Stereotype Content Model (SCM) posits two fundamental dimensions of intergroup perception, warmth and competence, predicted by socio-structural dimensions of competition and status, respectively. However, the SCM has been challenged on claiming perceived competition as the socio-structural dimension that predicts perceived warmth. The current research improves by broadening warmth's predictor (competition) to include both realistic and symbolic threat from Integrated Threat Theory (Study 1). We also measure two components of the warmth dimension: sociability and morality. Study 2 tests new items to measure both threat and warmth. The new threat items significantly improve prediction of warmth, compared with standard SCM items. Morality and sociability correlate highly and do not differ much in their predictability by competition/threat.
In order to increase the activity rate of older workers, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) recommends that national governments implement policies promoting the employment of this category of workers. However, policies that favour minority groups have been shown to produce detrimental effects such as devaluing members of these groups. In two studies, we examined whether age-related preferential treatment reinforces ageist attitudes in the workplace. A first study revealed that policies favouring 50 years old workers increased negative perceptions toward them. In a second experimental study, results indicated that, compared to a merit-based treatment, a preferential treatment increased negative perceptions, emotions, and behaviours toward an old target. As a set, our findings shed new light on ageism at work and on the role of context.
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Belgium is famous for its exquisite chocolate, its exceptional beers, its unique tradition of cartoonists, and other marvels, of which one may be a most complex political system in the world. For ages, the two main ethnic and cultural groups in the country, the Dutch-speaking on the one hand (roughly 60% of the Belgian population) and the French-speaking on the other, have been engaged in heated negotiations over how one should organize the country. [.] On December 13, 2006, the French-speaking public TV channel interrupted its normal program with breaking news: After decades of slow deterioration in the relations between the two groups, the Dutch-speaking parliament had unilaterally decided to declare its independence! For the rest of the evening, journalists and politicians produced (prerecorded) comments on the causes, meaning, and consequences of this secession. It was only half an hour after the start of this show, à la Orson Welles, and after witnessing the level of indignation if not panic that the program triggered among viewers, that the screen revealed a banner warning that this was a ! ction. In the following days and weeks, the country was in a state of shock. The Dutch-speaking Belgians were appalled by the way they were depicted in this program. As for the French-speaking Belgians, they were surprised to see how they had perhaps radicalized their views about their Northern compatriots and generalized the opinions of what continued to be a minority. This recent real-life episode offers a nice albeit dramatic illustration of the way possible misunderstandings may intrude in the relations between two groups. Such misunderstandings are the topic at the heart of this chapter.
BASE
Belgium is famous for its exquisite chocolate, its exceptional beers, its unique tradition of cartoonists, and other marvels, of which one may be a most complex political system in the world. For ages, the two main ethnic and cultural groups in the country, the Dutch-speaking on the one hand (roughly 60% of the Belgian population) and the French-speaking on the other, have been engaged in heated negotiations over how one should organize the country. [.] On December 13, 2006, the French-speaking public TV channel interrupted its normal program with breaking news: After decades of slow deterioration in the relations between the two groups, the Dutch-speaking parliament had unilaterally decided to declare its independence! For the rest of the evening, journalists and politicians produced (prerecorded) comments on the causes, meaning, and consequences of this secession. It was only half an hour after the start of this show, à la Orson Welles, and after witnessing the level of indignation if not panic that the program triggered among viewers, that the screen revealed a banner warning that this was a ! ction. In the following days and weeks, the country was in a state of shock. The Dutch-speaking Belgians were appalled by the way they were depicted in this program. As for the French-speaking Belgians, they were surprised to see how they had perhaps radicalized their views about their Northern compatriots and generalized the opinions of what continued to be a minority. This recent real-life episode offers a nice albeit dramatic illustration of the way possible misunderstandings may intrude in the relations between two groups. Such misunderstandings are the topic at the heart of this chapter.
BASE
In: Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 291-308
Two studies examined the compensation hypothesis that members of both high- and low-status groups associate high-status groups with high levels of competence and low levels of warmth on the one hand, and low-status groups with low levels of competence and high levels of warmth, on the other. Building upon existing linguistic relations between the French and the Belgians, Study 1 had standard, i.e. French, and non-standard, i.e. Belgian, speakers rate the linguistic skills, competence, and warmth of both groups and report their meta-stereotypes. As predicted, both groups of participants saw the French as more skilled linguistically than Belgians and evaluated standard speakers as more competent than warm and non-standard speakers as more warm than competent. This pattern also emerged in respondents' meta-stereotypes. Study 2 revealed that compensation was less marked among a third group of Francophone speakers, i.e. Swiss, even if the latter respondents seemed well aware of the pattern guiding Belgian and French representations of each other. We discuss the implications of the findings in terms of motivated intergroup stereotypes.