Suchergebnisse

Una forma de tipificar los nacionalismos, referente al tipo de nación que se propone, diferencia entre nacionalismo político, territorial o cívico y nacionalismo étnico o cultural. Por otra parte, el nacionalismo, y menos en las naciones sin estado, no puede entenderse sin su vertiente política, lo que no significa interpretarlo de manera politizada. Eso sucede, a mi entender, en los casos catalán y vasco, los cuales son presentados como modelos opuestos: cívico e inclusivo el primero; y étnico y exclusivo el segundo. Sin embargo, su concepción de la nación resulta bastante similar, y lo que sí los separa es la práctica política. La caracterización de incluyente o excluyente del nacionalismo está, así, unida a su radicalidad política y no, al carácter de la nación. Considero que la nación y el tema nacional tienen unas características propias, y no podermos trasladar irreflexivamente valoraciones del ámbito de lo político al ámbito de la nación. Por ello, no podemos utilizar categorías pertenecientes a lo social (inclusivo-exclusivo) o a lo nacional (étnico-político o cívico) para explicar diferencias que pertenecen al campo de lo político. ; One way of typifying nationalism, with regards to the type of nation one seeks, differentiates between political, territorial or civic nationalism and ethnic or cultural nationalism. Yet, nationalism, particularly in the case of stateless nations, cannot be understood if we ignore the political aspect, which does not imply interpreting it in a politicised fashion. In my opinion, such is the case with Catalan and Basque nationalism, which are presented as opposed models: the former, civic and inclusive; and the latter, ethnic and exclusive. However, their conception of the nation is quite similar, and what really separates them is political policy. The characterization of nationalism as inclusive or exclusive is thus related to its being politically radical and not to its nature as a nation. I believe that the nation and the national question have characteristics of their own, and evaluations made on politics should not be applied in a thoughtless fashion when referring only to the subject of the nation. In consequence, we cannot use categories pertaining to society (inclusive-exclusive) or to the nation (ethnic-political or civic) to explain differences pertaining to the political field.

AbstractThere have been changes in how support is rallied for the secessionist process in the Basque Country this century. We can appreciate a new scheme based on factors relating to welfare along with the traditional scheme based, above all, on factors relating to identity. How important is each of them? By using the statistical technique of logistic regression, we have been able to look deeper into the variables that explain being favourably disposed to a Basque state, as well as those that explain a change in stance, based on a variety of dimensions. The results indicate, on the one hand, that there is currently no one factor to explain a favourable position towards a Basque state. What's more, in the future, the stances on a Basque state are likely to shift more easily, depending on the interests and sentiments at any given moment.

AbstractImmigration from the different regions inSpain to theBasqueCountry has traditionally opposedBasque andSpanish nationalism. This article provides an overview of the discourse of both nationalist traditions with respect to the intra‐regional migration movement of the second half of the twentieth century as well as of the resulting controversy. Whereas the Basque nationalist movement claims to have defended the need to integrate immigrants since the middle of the twentieth century, particularly through politics,Spanish nationalism claims thatBasque nationalism has helped marginalise these same immigrants. A qualitative analysis is used to contrast this controversy by consulting the opinion of theSpanish immigrants who settled in theBasqueCountry and did not avail of the political integration proposed byBasque nationalism. The main conclusion is that these immigrants tend to avoid the heart of the matter of discord between both nationalist traditions, granting little importance to political and cultural elements though stressing their social integration in theBasqueCountry.

This open access volume analyses the development of democracy at different levels of governance (from local to global). The Basque search for an institutional and democratic model that adapts to its social needs and solves its problems offers an interesting perspective for analyzing the way in which democracy is seeking new forms of materialization from the local to the global. The volume is divided into four parts. The chapters in Part I analyze the tensions between the neoliberal vision of democracy and the voices contesting it, with projections at different levels of government. The chapters in Part II focus on the emerging framework and scales of Western democracy. The chapters in Part III present new forms of citizen participation, paying special - though not exclusive - attention to new practical strategies for Basque society. The volume concludes with a block of chapters on the relevance of reviewing the methodological and epistemological frameworks from which knowledge about democracy and mechanisms of citizen participation is generated (Part IV). By delving deeper into the idea and practice of democratic governance, this volume will be of interest to researchers and students from all disciplines of politics, international relations, sociology and law.

La sociedad vasca es políticamente plural -y escenario de conflicto sobre su estatus político-, además de culturalmente diversa, e inmersa, asimismo, en un permanente debate sobre el papel que se debe asignar al idioma y a la cultura vascos en relación con la cultura desarrollada en español. En este artículo indagamos en las visiones sobre la asignatura denominada educación para la ciudadanía y los derechos humanos, desarrolladas por las principales organizaciones sindicales y políticas vascas, así como por algunos profesores de enseñanza no universitaria. Mediante entrevistas en profundidad a los primeros y grupos de discusión con los segundos, analizamos el discurso generado en torno a la educación cívica como medio indirecto de hallar la respuesta a tres temas cruciales para la vida social vasca: el concepto de ciudadanía, la visión sobre la nación y la convivencia entre culturas. Y destacamos una serie de conclusiones: a) la falta de significatividad política en relación con la identidad nacional que la asignatura recibe, exceptuando a algunas organizaciones nacionalistas vascas; b) la preeminencia del discurso moral de corte liberal en todos los agentes políticos y educativos; c) la aceptación generalizada de la diversidad cultural como elemento enriquecedor, aunque con diferencias notorias entre profesores y organizaciones respecto a sus consecuencias educativas, y d) la desconfianza del nacionalismo vasco y de un sector del profesorado hacia un discurso multiculturalista que signifique el retroceso de la lengua vasca. ; La societat basca és políticament plural -i escenari de conflicte sobre el seu estatus polític-, a més de culturalment diversa, i immersa, així mateix, en un debat permanent sobre el paper que s'ha d'assignar a l'idioma i a la cultura bascos en relació amb la cultura desenvolupada en espanyol. En aquest article indaguem en les visions sobre l'assignatura denominada educació per a la ciutadania i els drets humans, desenvolupades per les principals organitzacions sindicals i polítiques basques, com també per alguns professors d'ensenyament no universitari. Mitjançant entrevistes en profunditat als primers i grups de discussió amb els segons, analitzem el discurs generat al voltant de l'educació cívica com a mitjà indirecte de trobar la resposta a tres temes crucials per a la vida social basca: el concepte de ciutadania, la visió sobre la nació i la convivència entre cultures. I destaquem una sèrie de conclusions: a) la manca de rellevància política en relació amb la identitat nacional que rep l'assignatura, exceptuant algunes organitzacions nacionalistes basques; b) la preeminència del discurs moral de tall liberal en tots els agents polítics i educatius; c) l'acceptació generalitzada de la diversitat cultural com a element enriquidor, tot i que amb diferències notòries entre professors i organitzacions respecte de les seves conseqüències educatives, i d) la desconfiança del nacionalisme basc i d'un sector del professorat envers un discurs multiculturalista que signifiqui el retrocés de la llengua basca. ; Basque society is politically plural -as well as being a scene of conflict over its political status-, culturally diverse, and caught up in a permanent debate on the role to be assigned to the Basque language and culture in relation to the development of culture in Spanish. This article will examine the different views on the subject Education for Citizenship and Human Rights developed by the main Basque trade union and political organizations, together with a group of non-university teachers. With the aid of in-depth interviews with the former, and focus groups with the latter, we shall analyse the discourse generated on civic education as an indirect means to finding answers to three crucial subjects for Basque society: the concept of citizenship, the view of the nation and co-existing cultures. In addition, we shall point out some conclusions: a) in relation to national identity, no political significance is afforded to the subject, except in the case of certain Basque nationalist organisations; b) a liberal moral discourse is predominant among all the political and educational players; c) cultural diversity is generally accepted as something enriching, although there is significant divergence between teachers and the different organisations as to its educational consequences, and d) there is mistrust on the part of the Basque nationalist movement and some teachers of the multiculturalist discourse as they see it as a setback for the Basque language.