Suchergebnisse

Both books recommend systematization of anti‐corruption norms whether by the means of legal institutions (Hock) or agreeing on a set of human rights safeguards against anti‐corruption sanctions (Moiseienko). Both argue that unless there is a shared understanding of what international law requires and how far states may or may not go in the enforcement of the anti‐corruption regime, tensions with non‐cooperative countries may become even more considerable.

The 2014 Euromaidan revolution, which started as a non-violent demonstration for European integration, eventually gave rise to a nation-wide movement against the usurpation of power, corruption, and human rights violations. One of the main demands of Euromaidan protesters to the new government was to launch a comprehensive personnel reform that would cleanse the state apparatus from public officials of the Communist era (1919–1991) and those affiliated with the Yanukovych regime (2010–2014). This article examines the lustration process in post-Euromaidan Ukraine through the prism of earlier personnel reforms, mainly in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), and discusses the similarities and differences between them. The analysis focuses on two key features that make the Ukrainian case stand out across CEE lustrations. First, Ukraine's lustration reconciled transitional justice with socio-economic imperatives, such as the fight against corruption, not only as a discursive practice but also a legal matter. Second, unlike CEE lustrations the Ukrainian government implemented lustration 23 years after the fall of Communism and during the ongoing military confrontation in eastern Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbas). The article contributes to the literature on the evolution of transitional justice which has expanded far beyond the conventional redress for past human rights violations and may now incorporate peacebuilding and structural justice agendas.