Suchergebnisse

Using primarily Urdu sources from the nineteenth century, this book allows us to rethink notions of 'the Muslim', in its numerous, complex and often contradictory forms, which emerged in colonial North India after 1857. Allowing the self-representation of Muslimness and its manifestations to emerge, it contrasts how the colonial British 'made Muslims' very differently compared to how the community envisaged themselves. A key argument made here contests the general sense of the narrative of lamentation, decay, decline, and a sense of self-pity and ruination, by proposing a different condition, that of zillat, a condition which gave rise to much self-reflection resulting in action, even if it was in the form of writing and expression. By questioning how and when a Muslim community emerged in colonial India, the book unsettles the teleological explanation of the Partition of India and the making of Pakistan.

Pt. 1: Agriculture; pt. 2: Industry and trade; pt. 3: Fiscal and monetary policy; pt. 4: The era of structural adjustment: from ESAFs to PRSPs - 1988 to the present; pt. 5: The social sector, institutions and governance; pt. 6: Political economics

Review: Jürgen Schaflechner, Christina Oesterheld, Ayesha Asif (eds): Pakistan - Alternative Imag(in)ings of the Nation State. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2020. ISBN 978-0190-70131-4

Pakistani elites' aversion to paying taxes leaves the country dependent on foreign aid and beholden to donors. As Washington cools on its old ally, the Chinese and Saudis may fill the void.

Abstract: Civil society became suddenly relevant to Pakistani politics following a 9 March 2007 incident in which military ruler General Pervez Musharraf demanded the resignation of Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry from his seat on the Supreme Court, and then suspended him when he refused to comply. Almost immediately there arose a widespread protest movement—spearheaded by Pakistani lawyers—that denounced Musharraf's action as illegal and demanded Chaudhry's reinstatement. Is the lawyers' movement evidence of a burgeoning civil society and a new democratic trajectory for Pakistan, or something more ambiguous?

Since the late 1970s, the "Primary Health Care" (PHC) approach
in order to deliver "Health for All by the Year 2000" (HFA/2000), has
been in vogue in all the underdeveloped countries (UOCs) of the world.
Nearly all the developed and underdeveloped countries endorsed the
proposals set out by the World Health Organization (WHO) at its
Conference in Alma Ata in 1978 (WHO 1978). The signing of the Alma Ata
Charter supposedly signalled the beginning of a new era which would deal
with the problems of health and disease of the great majority of the
individuals of planet Earth. Pakistan was also one of the signatories of
the Alma Ata Charter and has since the signing, been in the forefront of
the movement. Pakistan has become a spokesman for the PHC and HF A/2000
approaches at nearly all international seminars and conferences, and
those who rule and can implement policies within the country, have
continued giving both the policies active oral support. The Primary
Health Care approach is, at least on paper, a fairly radical approach
which sets out to deal with much more than the simple problems of the
health of the poor of the world. It encompasses a very wide canvas, and
issues, which apparently are not related directly to health care, also
fall under its terms of reference. It is the purpose of this paper to
see whether Pakistan can reach the goals of Health for All by the Year
2000, using the Primary Health Care approach, a goal to which it has
committed itself totally.

The health sector in Pakistan is riddled with numerous
problems, constraints and contradictions. There is the problem of a lack
of health facilities in rural areas, of unemployed doctors despite the
acute shortage of trained medical personnel in the country, of 'brain
drain' of medical graduates, of the inability of medical graduates to
work in simple rural settings and their dependence on "sophisticated"
technology of pharmaceutical companies enriching themselves at the
expense of the common man, and of a lack of potable water and adequate
sewerage in slums and rural areas. The list can be expanded but the
stark fact is that most of the people have little or no access to
adequate health facilities and are faced with a high incidence of
disease.

This volume makes a major intervention in the debates around the nature of the political economy of Pakistan, focusing on its contemporary social dynamics. This is the first comprehensive academic analysis of Pakistan's political economy after thirty-five years, and addresses issues of state, class and society, examining gender, the middle classes, the media, the bazaar economy, urban spaces and the new elite. The book goes beyond the contemporary obsession with terrorism and extremism, political Islam, and simple 'civilian-military relations', and looks at modern-day Pakistan through the lens of varied academic disciplines. It not only brings together new work by some emerging scholars but also formulates a new political economy for the country, reflecting the contemporary reality and diversification in the social sciences in Pakistan. The chapters dynamically and dialectically capture emergent processes and trends in framing Pakistan's political economy and invite scholars to engage with and move beyond these concerns and issues.

Goodson, L. P.: The 2008 elections. - S. 5-15 Shah, A.: Praetorianism and terrorism. - S. 16-25 Ganguly, S.: The burden of history. - S. 26-31 Khan, Z.: The media take center stage. - S. 32-37 Zaidi, S. A.: An emerging civil society? - S. 38-40