Suchergebnisse

In this paper, the author presents and analyses the political activity of Slovenian opposition intellectuals during the period of Slovenia's EU accession (1995-97). In the summer of 1997, a group of intellectuals from the Nova revija circle published a public letter "An Hour of European Truth for Slovenia", in which they criticised the social and political situation and the government's poor policy of EU and NATO approximation. The signatories of the public letter perceived the then rule of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDS), which was the successor of the official youth organisation under socialism, as undemocratic rule by former communists who held all the strings of power. In approaching the EU, they opposed the agreement with Italy on the purchase of Slovenian real estate (the so-called Spanish Compromise). Although they were in principle in favour of EU membership, they also collaborated in their activism with a group of outspoken Eurosceptics. In the first part of the paper, the author presents Slovenian politics in the 1990s, while in the second part he briefly describes the process of Slovenia's accession to the EU and NATO. In the third part, the author describes the background and activities of the group of intellectuals in question. The fourth part analyses the public letter and the public reactions. In the conclusion, the author poses a question whether the actors mentioned were Eurosceptics. In his opinion, the concept of Euroscepticism does not help to understand the complex and ambivalent attitudes of political actors towards Europe and the EU. In conclusion, the author highlights the trajectory of Slovenian anticommunist political thought up to the present day.

The article analyzes the portrayal of the Kolpa as a border river in the leading Slovenian liberal newspaper Slovenski narod from 1868 to 1918. A border river is understood both in terms of the political concept of a border river and in terms of a natural border in a landscape. The differences between these two concepts can occur over long historical periods and can change significantly (e.g. due to floods, changes in the riverbed and the loss or acquisition of the status of a border river). In the period examined, the Kolpa formed an internal border between the Hungarian and Austrian parts of the Habsburg Monarchy. In addition, since the Late Middle Ages it has been a political border between Carniola and Croatia. The article analyzes the following aspects: a) the Kolpa as a border and a political concept, b) the management of the Kolpa (construction and maintenance of bridges, traffic bans, and restrictions), c) the Kolpa as a dangerous river, and d) border disputes.

Članek je zasnovan kot poskus zgodovinskega pregleda politične zgodovine aidsa od druge polovice osemdesetih do začetka devetdesetih let 20. stoletja. Prispevek temelji predvsem na omembah bolezni v osrednjem slovenskem dnevnem časopisu Delo, kot pomemben vir pa je treba poudariti (še neurejeno) arhivsko gradivo NIJZ o tej problematiki. Prisotnost problematike v parlamentarnih telesih smo analizirali in kontekstualizirali s pomočjo digitaliziranega parlamentarnega gradiva Slovenski parlamentarni korpus, ki ga je infrastrukturni program INZ pripravil v okviru Slovenske raziskovalne infrastrukture za jezikovne vire in tehnologije (clarin.si). Najbolj očitni lastnosti dinamike v zvezi z aidsom v javnosti med letoma 1987 in 1993 sta »degejizacija« aidsa in simbolni premik pozornosti s homoseksualcev na intravenozne uživalce drog.

Osnovni namen prispevka je opis in analiza politike spomina v Sloveniji v najnovejši zgodovini v zvezi z dogodki v drugi svetovni vojni in neposredno po njej na primeru zasnove in postavitve Spomenika žrtvam vseh vojn v Ljubljani. Prispevek se ne ukvarja z zgodovinsko analizo povojnih pobojev, ampak z njihovo recepcijo v slovenski javnosti in politiki. Prav tako namen prispevka ni normativno ocenjevanje dogodkov, procesov in historičnih akterjev, ampak historična kritika recepcij travmatičnih dogodkov v slovenski družbi drugega desetletja tretjega tisočletja.

Set at the intersection between political history and environmental history, this article shows the significance of administrative legacy and natural dynamics of rivers in the landscape for creating (and solving) border disputes. In 2006, Slovenia and Croatia engaged in such a dispute regarding the exact course of the border near the River Mura in the vicinity of the villages of Hotiza (Slovenia) and Sv. Martin na Muri (Croatia). After giving an overview of the Slovenian-Croatian border disputes between 1992 and 2019, the author analyses the border dispute around the River Mura. He then shows how the history of the river's regulations, of the Habsburg and Yugoslav land survey activities, as well as of the previous border disputes on the river are entangled in the current dispute.

The article deals with a public debate on the institute of Jezikovno razsodišče (Linguistic Tribunal) after the Cankarjev dom incident that occurred on 22 March 1982. The first public pan-Yugoslavian debate about the nature of the Slovenian nationalism in 1980s merged the problem with the use of the Slovenian language and that of the position of immigrants who had come to the Socialist Republic of Slovenia from other Yugoslavian republics into a dangerous blend of linguistic, cultural, economic and political disagreement.

The author contextualizes the Final Award issued on 29 June 2017 by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague on the Slovenian-Croatian border dispute, a dispute which began in 1991 when the two Yugoslav republics became independent states. After joining the European Union in 2004, Slovenia began to use its membership to attempt to force its neighbour to agree to its terms. In November 2009 the two countries signed an Arbitration Agreement that temporarily solved the problem. The Final Award of the Court of Arbitration in The Hague of June 2017 has not been acknowledged by Croatia, though, on the ground of an audio surveillance scandal in 2015 that involved a Slovenian arbitrator. The Slovenian side has advocated the Final Award of the Tribunal as the only legal, internationally binding, and "European" solution to the border question, while the Croatian side continues to ignore the tribunal's disposition.

The Author analyses two long-term aspects of the border river phenomenon with the example of the river Mura: a) the relationship between the river bed, the boundaryline, and the anthropogenic effects on the river; b) discovering the historical structures through the perspective of border disputes. The "common sense" ideas about border rivers imply that the river bed and the boundaryline usually match. However, in the actual landscape and cartographic representations, the differences between these elements can be significant.

V članku avtor prikaže, kako so se različne razlage jugoslovanstva in samoupravljanja spopadale v javni razpravi o jezikovnem razsodišču po incidentu v Cankarjevem domu 22. marca 1982. Prva javna vsejugoslovanska debata o naravi slovenskega nacionalizma v osemdesetih letih je spojila problematiko rabe slovenskega jezika in položaj priseljencev iz drugih jugoslovanskih republik v SR Sloveniji v nevarno mešanico jezikovno-kulturno-ekonomsko-političnih nesporazumov, ki so zarezali v samo ideološko tkivo nadnacionalnega socialističnega (in samoupravnega) jugoslovanstva.

Prispevek obravnava kratko, a pomembno obdobje "vmesnosti" v organizacijskem statusu Zveze socialistične mladine Slovenije (ZSMS) v letu 1989 in začetku 1990. Avtor upošteva medijske reprezentacije (Mladina, Delo) o organizacijskih vprašanjih mladinske organizacije, ki je z "aktivno" držo v mesecih po aretaciji četverice (poletje 1988) dobila odkriti opozicijski značaj, čeprav je ostala vpeta v strukturo delovanja družbenopolitičnih organizacij (DPO). Kratka organizacijska zgodovina ZSMS v letih 1989-90 se ni odvijala v ravni črti v smeri politične stranke. ZSMS je na 13. kongresu v Portorožu postala samostojna politična organizacije, ki je napovedala boj za oblast na večstrankarskih volitvah. Kljub temu se je vodstvo še vedno izogibalo uporabi izraza stranka. Paradoksalno je, da je ZSMS je lahko postala stranka samo tako, da vsaj malo "ni želela biti stranka", oziroma, da je želela "biti več kot stranka." Naslednica ZSMS Liberalni demokrati Slovenije (LDS, po 1994 Liberalna demokracija Slovenije) je bila več kot desetletja najpomembnejša stranka v državi. Avtor zaključi z ugotovitvijo, da je bilo "združevanje različnih interesov" glavna značilnost ZSMS/LDS tudi v obdobju strankarskega pluralizma.

The paper attempts to present the important discussions on nationalism, Slovenianism and Yugoslavism from the early 1980s and call attention to the (inter)dependence of nationalism (and its perceptions) and the social system and social issues. It lays out reasons for the historical study of nationalism/the national question in Slovenia and Yugoslavia in the early 1980s. The paper presents a critical overview of the established periodisation of the 1980s in Slovenian public opinion and history and sketches out the basic contours of the period in question. The main part of the paper is the analysis of different attitudes towards the national question in the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. The conclusion establishes a connection between the interpretation of the national question and the interpretation of social property in the late self-management period.