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"Since the 1990s, there have been striking changes in racial ideas, practices, exclusions and violence in Russia. By showing how the processes of globalization and racialization are interrelated, Zakharov seeks to demonstrate and explore the roles these play in Russia's new nationhood project. The book employs a new threefold theoretical elaboration of racialization, examining the process in terms of 'making', 'doing', and finally 'becoming'. These three elements are considered through discussions of a wide variety of aspects of Russian identity and nationalism, from the analysis of subcultures to explorations of nation-building. Race and Racism in Russia provides important new theories and substantive insights into race and ethnicity in a Russian context, and will be a valuable resource for scholars of Postcolonial Studies, Social Theory and Race"--.

Шекспир политически актуален во все времена и во всех культурах, при разных формах правления — авторитарных и демократических. Достаточно вспомнить недавние события, связанные с именем драматурга. В 2012 г. Грегори Доран выпустил своего «африканского» «Юлия Цезаря» и побывал со спектаклем на гастролях в Москве. Его предупреждение о том, что авторитарный правитель может попытаться узурпировать всю полноту власти, было воспринято как намек на возвращение В. Путина на очередной президентский срок.В России ситуация не более скандальная, чем в других странах, но имеет свой колорит: задержание полицией на Новом Арбате якобы за попрошайничество 10-летнего мальчика, декламировавшего монолог Гамлета «Быть или не быть», полукриминальная ситуация вокруг спектакля «Сон в летнюю ночь» режиссера Кирилла Серебренникова, обвинения в хищении средств театрального менеджера Алексея Малобродского, гневные выступления в их защиту общественности.По этому поводу можно вспомнить, как в свое время Александр II неодобрительно высказался о планах празднования 300-летнего юбилея Шекспира в Российской империи. В своей статье я попытаюсь проследить эволюцию политизации творчества британского драматурга, реальную и мифическую.

Shakespeare remains topical in politics under various regimes, both authoritative and democratic. A few recent events have reminded us of this unique phenomenon. In 2012, Gregory Doran staged his Julius Caesar against an 'African' setting and brought the play to a festival in Moscow. The performance contained a warning against a popular leader's abuse of authority, and in view of Russian politics sounded as a hint at Vladimir Putin's running for a third presidential term.We do not mean to say that Russia leads in Shakespeare-related excesses, but there is a special coloring to it. For instance, a 10-year-old boy reciting Hamlet's monologue To be or not to be was detained by the police in the center of Moscow, allegedly for begging; and then there were accusations of theatre director Kirill Serebrennikov (staging A Midsummer Night's Dream at Gogol-Center in Moscow), and theater manager Aleksei Malobrodsky was charged with embezzlement, following which public protests were organized in their defense.All these incidents bring to mind Tsar Alexander II's disapproval of Shakespeare's 300th anniversary and the plans of its celebration in the Russian Empire. In this paper, I try to trace the history of 'involving' the playwright in current politics, and the myths emerging along the way. ; Шекспир политически актуален во все времена и во всех культурах, при разных формах правления — авторитарных и демократических. Достаточно вспомнить недавние события, связанные с именем драматурга. В 2012 г. Грегори Доран выпустил своего «африканского» «Юлия Цезаря» и побывал со спектаклем на гастролях в Москве. Его предупреждение о том, что авторитарный правитель может попытаться узурпировать всю полноту власти, было воспринято как намек на возвращение В. Путина на очередной президентский срок.В России ситуация не более скандальная, чем в других странах, но имеет свой колорит: задержание полицией на Новом Арбате якобы за попрошайничество 10-летнего мальчика, декламировавшего монолог Гамлета «Быть или не быть», полукриминальная ситуация вокруг спектакля «Сон в летнюю ночь» режиссера Кирилла Серебренникова, обвинения в хищении средств театрального менеджера Алексея Малобродского, гневные выступления в их защиту общественности.По этому поводу можно вспомнить, как в свое время Александр II неодобрительно высказался о планах празднования 300-летнего юбилея Шекспира в Российской империи. В своей статье я попытаюсь проследить эволюцию политизации творчества британского драматурга, реальную и мифическую.

Шекспировский Гамлет давно стал вечным образом в мировой культуре. Он получил оригинальное выражение в русской литературе, театре, живописи, музыке, кинематографе: в сочинениях и работах А. С. Пушкина, Ф. М. Достоевского, И. С. Тургенева, Л. Н. Толстого, М. А. Врубеля, А. А. Блока, Вяч. И. Иванова, Б. Л. Пастернака, Г. М. Козинцева и др.В статье рассматривается особая роль шекспировского «Гамлета» в русской культуре последних десятилетий, анализируются некоторые постановки пьесы в России 1990–2000-х годов (П. Штайна, Ю. Н. Бутусова, А. Б. Тителя, В. В. Фокина, В. Р. Поплавского). Среди постсоветских интерпретаций пьесы Шекспира доминируют режиссерские переделки «Гамлета». Их особенности являются предметом изучения автора статьи.

AbstractThis article considers in detail the choosing of a language for the liturgy and sermons in Roman Catholic parishes in Belarus. The choice of the Belarusian language is part of a deliberate nation-building policy by the Catholic Church. Moreover, a whole network of local peculiarities, historical stereotypes, and political attitudes is concealed beneath the unified cover of a preference for the use of the Belarusian language. Based on interviews with clergy and religious activists, the article shows that the Roman Catholic Church repeatedly works out compromise solutions that allow it to adapt to the pressures of the state and believers going through a process of contradictory and conflicting nation-building.

This article considers in detail the choosing of a language for the liturgy and sermons in Roman Catholic parishes in Belarus. The choice of the Belarusian language is part of a deliberate nation-building policy by the Catholic Church. Moreover, a whole network of local peculiarities, historical stereotypes, and political attitudes is concealed beneath the unified cover of a preference for the use of the Belarusian language. Based on interviews with clergy and religious activists, the article shows that the Roman Catholic Church repeatedly works out compromise solutions that allow it to adapt to the pressures of the state and believers going through a process of contradictory and conflicting nation-building.

Based on extensive fieldwork across Belarus, this article analyses an ongoing discussion within the Belarusian Orthodox Church (boc) regarding various issues that are key inassessing the country's identity politics and politico-ideological developments. Since the independence of Belarus in 1991, the Church has continuously played an important public and societal function. A special agreement, signed between the Church and Belarusian Government in 2003, has fostered Church cooperation with various governmental institutions, including educational establishments. Discussing the contribution of the boc to the construction of a distinct Belarusian national identity, we will address the national language, relationships with the state, foreign policy orientation and the Church's autocephaly. The empirical part of this study is based on seventeen in-depth interviews with clergymen and laypeople from the boc. Our study shows that Church representatives have not hesitated to develop their profound perspectives on the important issues of identity politics and the relationships of the boc and state, and these perspectives were often reflective of wider debates within Belarusian intellectual circles.

This article analyzes the position of the Christian churches on the protests in Belarus in 2020. This study contributes to the research on the state-society relationship in autocratic regimes by nuancing the thesis that civil society is either marginalized or fully co-opted by the authoritarian state. The protest wave showed that the initiatives of religious groups fostered collective action in a state system that is punitive of any dissent. The article identifies churches as an ambivalent space: one where the state can exercise social control, but where potential resistance to the repressive state might also occur since they enjoy a greater degree of freedom than other organizations in authoritarian Belarus. Moreover, our study argues that religion can be seen as a privileged arena of protest within existing legal frameworks of the "contract" between the state and the church. By looking at the societal engagement of different religious confessions campaigning for their rights and promoting their visions of desirable political development on the grassroots level, this article addresses a range of opportunities to engage in civic activism in Belarus.

This book assesses the nature and extent of the project of deracialisation required to counter the contemporary dynamics of racialisation across four varieties of modernity: Sweden, South Africa, Brazil and the UK, based on original research on each of the four country contexts. Since racism began to be recognised or identified as a problem, an assemblage of supra-national initiatives have been devised in the name of combatting, dismantling or reducing it. There has been a recent shift whereby such supra-national bodies move toward embedding strategies against racism within the framework of human rights and devolving such responsibility to other bodies at a national level. The authors bring together a team of international experts in this field, in order to compare the priorities and effectiveness of current strategic approaches in each national context, examining their relationalities and connecting these cases within a joint theoretical and methodological framework. Thus, this book contributes to theoretical knowledge on racialisation and deracialisation, produce a new data set on contemporary interventions and institutions and establish new principles and practice for national projects of deracialisation and anti-racism, building on cross-national learning

This book assesses the nature and extent of the project of deracialisation required to counter the contemporary dynamics of racialisation across four varieties of modernity: Sweden, South Africa, Brazil and the UK, based on original research on each of the four country contexts. Since racism began to be recognised or identified as a problem, an assemblage of supra-national initiatives have been devised in the name of combatting, dismantling or reducing it. There has been a recent shift whereby such supra-national bodies move toward embedding strategies against racism within the framework of human rights and devolving such responsibility to other bodies at a national level. The book brings together a team of international experts in this field, in order to compare the priorities and effectiveness of current strategic approaches in each national context, examining their relationalities and connecting these cases within a joint theoretical and methodological framework. Thus, this book contributes to theoretical knowledge on racialisation and deracialisation, and establishes new principles and practice for national projects of deracialisation and anti-racism, building on cross-national learning. Nikolay Zakharov is Senior Lecturer, Sociology Department, Sodertorn University, Sweden. Shirley Anne Tate is Professor and Canada Research Chair, Sociology Department, University of Alberta, Canada. Ian Law was Emeritus Professor, School of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Leeds, UK. Joaze Bernardino-Costa is Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Brasilia, Brazil.

1 Introduction -- 2 South Africa and the Struggle for Racial Equality: Debating Deracialization, Non-racialism, Decolonization, and Africanization -- 3 The Dynamics of Racialization and Anti-racism in Contemporary Brazil -- 4 The Retreat from Deracialization in the UK -- 5 Challenging Racism in Sweden -- 6 Conclusion: Operationalizing Deracialization—Paradoxes and Lessons -- Ian Law and Mapping Global Racisms.

Empirical studies of sociology of management need adequate methodology particularly because the re-sults of these studies influence managerial decisions. The authors identify the relevant methodological principles and demonstrate their evolution from antiquity to the present. They note that methodological foundations can lead to invalidity of empirical data and to risk of erroneous decisions in case these foun-dations are used outside the worldview on the basis of which they were formed. The science about meth-ods, or methodology, has passed through three stages in its development since antiquity to the present day: metaphysical, dialectical, and tektological. These stages replaced each other, modifying and incorpo-rating into the subsequent ones. The authors justify that the methodology of sociology of management, based on the three-level model «fundamental methodology –middle level's theory –empirical research»,began its full-fledged development starting from Hawthorne experiments.During these experiments the principles of the Taylorian concept of organization were first rethought critically, by E. Mayo. The au-thors note a tendency in contemporary research on sociology of management toward a focus on normative power and moral means of involvement. Many fundamental approaches in sociology of management are linked with the complex of ideas of Alexander Bogdanov's tektology: contemporary methodology of so-ciology ofmanagement is based on the tektological principle of organization. The authors offer a model of sociological research on and improvement of management mechanisms in organizations that was de-veloped on the basis of practical consulting experience.