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This book analyses institutional reforms implemented by Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinz, under his second administrationfrom 2012 to 2020. Also examined is the evolution in the role of such actors in Japanese politics as bureaucrats, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)factions, and backbenchers of the ruling party. Chapters offer multi-dimensional explanations for the preconditions of successful gradual institutional change in political systems, characterized by relatively strong veto players, rigid governmental structures, and numerous unofficial decision-making rules. It is argued that enhancement of the prime minister's position was implemented through the creative use of pre-existing policy venues, coupled with minor institutional changes in decision-making bodies. Using three illustrated case studies, it is demonstrated how the prime minister managed to centralize the decision-making process: a result of strategic appointment of ministers, empowerment of the Cabinet Secretariat and also taking advantage of wider advisory organs, largely circumventing deliberations on key policies in the ruling party. Seemingly minor changes thus manifested in a major redefinition of decision-making patterns: a result of the long-term perspective of the Abe administration. Gradual Institutional Change in Japan: Kantei Leadership under the Abe Administrationwill be useful for students seeking to understand the process of successful gradual institutional change and for scholars of Japanese studies and political science.

In the election to the House of Representatives in 2009, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) almost tripled the number of its lower house members by winning 308 seats. It subsequently formed a coalition government with the Social Democratic Party and the People's New Party. The new ruling party promised to completely overhaul policymaking mechanisms that had been shaped over the past decades. Yet, the Japanese people quickly felt disappointed with the DPJ's 'policymaking engineering'. Examining the evolution of the decision-making process in Japan under the DPJ administration between the years.

Since 1972, Tokyo has maintained official diplomatic relations with Beijing, while stressing the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. Based on governmental documents and decision-makers' political declarations, this article examines Japan's approach towards cross-strait relations since the 1990s. It applies the perspective of neoclassical realism by analyzing both the international determinants (independent variables) and the domestic factors (intervening variables) behind Tokyo's approach to 'One China' policy. The article tries to answer the question why successive Japanese governments reacted differently to cross-strait frictions and rapprochement. It is argued that the level of Tokyo's involvement in the Taiwan problem was dependent both on international and domestic factors. Growing concerns about China's military buildup, coupled with a gradual demise of pro-Beijing faction in the Liberal Democratic Party, pushed Japan towards containing the People's Republic of China (PRC) while ameliorating relations with Taipei. As Sino-Japanese relations deteriorated, Tokyo became less inclined to lecture Taiwan against provoking Beijing and more willing to support Taipei's international initiatives. At the same time, Japan started perceiving cross-strait rapprochement not only as a factor stabilizing the regional security system, but also as a potential threat to national security.

AbstractSince the beginning of the 1990s, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan has tried to institutionalize contacts with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Until 2009, the Sino‐Japanese Conference of Exchange Between the Ruling Parties did little to build ties of trust between both sides, but its revival in 2015 proved much more successful. This article argues that as the institutionalized channels were prone to disturbance caused by ideological leanings of party officials, they did not work as efficiently as sub‐party level of exchange. The weakening of LDP factions and centralization of decision‐making process under the Prime Minister, however, contributed to shortages of Japan's semi‐official diplomacy towards China, which detrimentally influenced bilateral contacts, especially under the second Abe administration. Paradoxically, since 2015 the revived Conference started playing a more important role thanks to determination of LDP secretaries‐general. This article examines the gravity of these personal factors in LDP–CCP relations.

Both during his first (2006–2007) and second administrations (since 2012) Prime Minister Abe Shinzō emphasized the gravity of value-oriented diplomacy based on promotion of democracy, free-market economy, human rights, and rule of law. At the same time, however, his foreign policy has been very pragmatic and focused on hard-power-like measures, such as an increase in the deterrence capacity of the Self-Defense Forces. On the one hand, the Japanese government declared its attachment to universal values on the international scene, but on the other hand there were doubts whether it lived up to those values on domestic ground. For that reason, Tokyo has been accused by neighboring countries of treating value-oriented diplomacy as an empty slogan in order to realize national interests. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the role of this dichotomy in relations with Europe. It is examined to what extent Abe declared his adherence to the universal values, and to what extent he really promoted them in Europe. Special emphasis is placed on the discrepancy between Tokyo's narrative on values in relations with the European Union (EU) on the one side and with Moscow and other undemocratic regimes in Europe on the other. ; Publication is a part of the project: Regional Center for International Debate in Lodz 2017–2018 Project co-financed by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs

The article analyzes the process of modification of Japan's foreign policy after Donald Trump's election as US president. As short- and middle-range aims of Japan's diplomatic strategy were outlined with expectation of victory of Hillary Clinton, Tokyo was forced to abruptly change its policy. Relying on the neoclassical realist theory, the article examines the complex interaction between the external factors, such as security threats from North Korea or China, and domestic factors both in Japan and the US, that is personal, institutional, societal and economic determinants. It is argued that while it was strategic convergence between Tokyo and Washington that enabled relatively smooth cooperation between Prime Minister Abe and President Trump, internal factors, such as right-wing credentials of both decision makers, distorted and to some extent facilitated this process. ; This article is a result of research conducted as a part of project "Evolution of the Core Executive under Prime Minister Abe's Government in Japan" financed by the National Science Centre, Poland (DEC-2016/23/B/HS5/00059). In 2017 the author received the prize of the University of Lodz Foundation.

The main aim of this paper is to compare the political stances of the conservative parties established since 2005 and to analyze to what degree they can become an alternative to the LDP and DPJ. Although many Japanese people were disappointed with both major parties, under the current electoral system it was very difficult for smaller formations to become a credible "third pole" on the political scene. However, the parliamentary success of the JRA in the December 2012 election showed that under special conditions even smaller groups could challenge the domination of the two major parties. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

Note on Conventions -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Structures and Actors in Foreign Policy Making in Japan -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Theoretical Approaches to Foreign Policy Making -- 1.3 Foreign Policy Making in Japan as a Contentious Process -- 1.4 Methodology -- 1.5 Overview of Chapters -- References -- Chapter 2: Central Government Reforms and Foreign Policy Making in Japan -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Kantei -- 2.3 The Ministry of Foreign Affairs -- 2.4 Ruling Party Backbenchers Representing Other Ministries and Interest Groups -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: War on Terrorism Under the Koizumi Cabinet -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Decision-Making on the PKO Cooperation Law Before the Central Government Reforms -- 3.3 Main Actors in the Koizumi Cabinet -- 3.4 Anti-Terrorism Law of 2001 -- 3.4.1 Kantei Leadership -- 3.4.2 MOFA´s Internal Problems -- 3.4.3 Public Opinion -- 3.5 Iraq Special Measures Law of 2003 -- 3.5.1 Kantei Leadership -- 3.5.2 The Veto Players -- 3.5.3 Basic Plan -- 3.5.4 Public Opinion -- 3.6 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: History Problems Under the Koizumi Administration -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Decision-Making on History Problems Before the Central Government Reforms -- 4.3 Interests, Ideological Leanings, and Cohesion of Main Actors -- 4.4 Japan´s Initial Reaction to Pressure from China and South Korea -- 4.5 Attempt at Rapprochement with China Under the Hu Jintao Administration -- 4.6 Suspension of Contacts with China at the End of the Koizumi Administration -- 4.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: Prime Minister Koizumi´s Policy Towards North Korea -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Japan´s Policy Towards North Korea Before the Central Government Reforms -- 5.3 Interests, Ideological Leanings, and Cohesion of Main Actors

Introduction and overview / Teh-Kuang Chang, Angelin Chang -- China in the global political economy / Thomas G. Moore -- The evolution of China's political ideology from Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping / Winberg Chai and May-lee Chai -- Broken ties : Japan's semi-official diplomacy towards China under the DPJ government / Karol Zakowski -- Developmental states in Asia : change and transformation / Darryl Stuart Jarvis and Toby Carroll -- Mongolian foreign relations under 25 years of democracy / Alicia Campi -- National development of Singapore / Chua Beng Huat -- Politics of regional integration in South Asia : India, China, and other actors / Arunoday Bajpai -- ASEAN and the challenge of multilateralism in the Asia Pacific / Shaun Narine -- Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) : challenges and prospects / Steven Ratuva -- The United States and the Taiwan time bomb / Ted Galen Carpenter -- America's response to Xi Jinping's challenges in Asia / Robert Sutter -- The European Union and the People's Republic of China's attitudes towards the Middle East : convergent and divergent political interests / Przemyslaw Osiewicz -- Gender and conflict in East Asia / Erik Melander and Elin Bjarnegård -- The sources of South Asian doctrine : offensive biases in organizational culture / Brent Thomas Gerchicoff -- Sanctions and emerging powers : examining the Indian and Chinese stance / Rishika Chauhan -- Globalization and government effectiveness in Asia / Haroon Khan -- Pyongyang-Tehran-Damascus : the unshaken alliance / Alon Levkowitz