Suchergebnisse

Civil disobedience flooded Hong Kong in 2019. However, protests have changed its character since the last massive demonstrations in 2014. This article outlines direct and contextual reasons for the outbreak of protests in Hong Kong in 2019 from the perspective of Bert Klandermans's model. The aim of the research is also to indicate the directions of protests in this Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. The findings presented are the result of the author's field work carried out since 2012. It should be emphasised that the protests in Hong Kong are the result of the progressive mainlandisation of the region, and in the deeper layer – of the socio-economic problems of citizens. The protests in 2019 brought a change in the tactics of manifesting civil disobedience.

The aim of this paper is to highlight the influence of relative deprivation (RD), observed amongst a number of Hongkongese youth, on the process of radicalization of Hong Kong politics. The thesis of this paper is that the political radicalization of youth, noticeable particularly in recent years (e.g. more violent protests, the growth of nativist and localist organizations and the flourishing idea of self-determination of Hong Kong), can be an effect of RD. The findings conclude that the feeling of deprivation amongst youth refers to two spheres: "political values" and "welfare values". The former concern the expectations of democratization of the political system and the latter relate to the feeling of dismantling the economic status and cultural identity ofHongkongers. The results of this paper are based on a small-range qualitative research (focus groups, in-depth interviews) conducted in April 201 4, November 201 5 and September 201 6 on the group of HK students, scholars, journalists, and politicians. The analysis leads to the conclusion that without real changes in the political system of Hong Kong, the level of radicalization might further increase in the coming years.

Abstract
This, mainly conceptual, paper concerns the democratic backsliding process, focusing on specific and understudied actors whose actions (or non-actions) unintentionally contribute to the undertakings of autocrats or "would-be autocrats," instead of concentrating on often analysed incumbents. The authors propose in this regard a concept of "unintentional backsliders," including its definition, typology, and model of mapping actors who, due to recklessness or negligence, unintentionally support democratic backsliding. The spectrum of such backsliders has been additionally outlined in the case of Poland, the fastest de-democratising country recently — in order to demonstrate that the proposed conceptual framework can be translated into a political reality and has a potential to be applied in empirical studies.

As the importance of right-wing populist parties (RPPs) has grown significantly in Europe, with some even forming governments, the attendant political and policy programs are attracting greater attention. However, to date most of the relevant research has been focused on the core slogan policies of RPPs, relating to immigration and the economy. This has left the parties' educational policies understudied. In seeking to address this situation, we analyse changes in the citizenship-education curricula that Poland's schools pursued during the years 2017 to 2022, with the country's ruling party ( Law and Justice— PiS), thus offering a case study of a typical RPP. This article scrutinizes citizenship-education curricular changes pursued by PiS—with an approach that regards this as the field that best allows the desire to reconstruct the model of citizenship to be discerned. We also explore a process of "civic de-socialization," and the new system of values being put in place in the curricula, by the Polish government. We examine whether the new provisions this entails fit into the ideological system of right-wing populists, and we conclude by developing hypotheses, and seeking to conclude theoretically, that ideological radicalization in education is being observed, in the wake of years of rule by an RPP. Interesting in this regard is the finding that more profound changes were not put into effect until a second stage to the reforms was reached. Overall, the case of the curriculum pursued in Poland by PiS points to a new ontology of citizenship, more nativism, and an anti-progressive agenda.

Abstract
The migration policies of the V4 countries present many similarities that seem to be the effect of congruent historical and economic determinants. During the migration crisis in 2015–2016, the Visegrad states partially coordinated their political communication using the same communication panels, which strongly impacted domestic political relations. The V4's approach was a refusal of the open-door policy promoted by Germany and Sweden, and the European Union. Our main findings are that the migration crisis strengthened the cohesion among V4 countries, although the source of this cohesion was clearly a populistic stance toward the possible implications of uncontrolled migration (migrants and refugees). This communication style and the resulting political tensions were reflected in the V4 states' resentment based on a sense of shared historical experiences rooted in Central European location and shared experience of the repercussions of communism. In this sense, a strong commitment to the idea of a sovereign nation-state, and a reluctance towards postmodern values are also important factors. This study charts the changes in V4 migration policy since 2015, highlighting the crucial developments in V4 countries' negotiations with the European Union. It also deals with the foreign and domestic effects of the migration crisis and the V4 states' discourse of migration, which was complemented by a debate on the future of the EU that became especially important in Hungary and Poland.

This paper examines developments in Poland following the 2015 elections and in Hungary since 2010, which included the gradual destruction of democratic institutions, challenges to the rule of law, as well as to the system of checks and balances. The authors consider the Ziblatt–Levitsky model (2018) as a meaningful framework for the analysis of the way in which the power structure was reshaped and have based their research
on the classification set out in this model. Our objective is to present the political changes that took place in the two Central-Eastern-European countries during the last decade that resulted in the process under Article 7 being used for the first time in the history of the EU. The paper conclusion is that the path of de-democratization of Hungary and Poland is seen from the perspective of the EU and Council of Europe, as similar one. In actions
taken toward both countries, the EU concerns mostly the principle of the rule of law.

Poland and Taiwan: two parts of the world distant from each other, differing culturally and socially, and yet facing kind of similar challenges in the late 1980s and early 1990s – characterised by the transition from an authoritarian political system to liberal democracy. This book seeks to present the process of democratisation of Poland and Taiwan from the point of view of shared perspectives. Invoking the classical literature of transitology, it is possible to explore similarities and differences between the democratisation of Poland and Taiwan among socioeconomic factors, fragmentation in society, political culture, meso- structures (e.g. political groups, social movements), political institutions, historical and national- identity aspects, and international influences.

"The book provides analysis of causes of democratic backsliding in Poland. The authors propose to take a closer look at historical and identity aspects, economic factors, social and political polarization, institutions, parties and role of external factors (e.g. European Union) - as issues strongly contributing to this process"--