Suchergebnisse

Under the impact of the global financial crisis (2007-8), the European Commission has become more focused on safeguarding the economic stability and financial viability of member states than on its social policies. This trend is particularly evident in the lower emphasis attached to the practice of social dialogue at both the European level and that of the member states. More recently, however, as the EU economy is slowly recovering, new initiatives are being undertaken to restore social dialogue to its rightful place among EU institutions and operations. This paper looks critically at the practice of social dialogue in Malta. It assesses the roles played by the social partners – particularly the trade unions – in social dialogue and suggests that the effectiveness of these roles may be significantly enhanced through professional training, better organisation, devolution of authority structures and the further development of the competences of both the main protagonists and of the lower participants in the social dialogue institutions. ; N/A

If there is anything about Malta which strikes any observer, local or foreign, it is the rate of change which the country has undergone in recent years. Changes are visible on all fronts: physical, economic, political and above all social. It is no wonder, then, that the subject of change is the one common denominator which underscores all the essays in the volume edited by Michael Briguglio and Maria Brown, entitled Sociology of the Maltese Islands (2016). One cannot help wondering what someone like Herbert Ganado would write if he were to update his famous books, aptly entitled 'Rajt Malta Tinbidel' (I have watched Malta change). ; N/A

One main challenge for the European social partners, as portrayed in the Lisbon Strategy, is to develop the labour market in such a way as to promote greater managerial flexibility while ensuring the workers' security. The situation is becoming complicated by the widespread emergence of new atypical forms of occupations. The reform of labour law and public administrative structures through social dialogue are perceived as necessary requirements for the emergence of a fairer, more inclusive labour market. ; N/A

Traditionally, worker participation systems in most countries have been promoted by labour movements. This was done for both ideological and practical reasons. Worker participation, or industrial democracy, has been conceived as a means of democratising workplaces as well as of realising both intrinsic and extrinsic work values. This paper explores the experiences of two different forms of worker participation or employee involvement/empowerment schemes operating in two of Malta's leading enterprises: Malta Drydocks (MDD), an old ship-repair, state-owned company; and Micro-Malta (MM), the pseudonym for the local subsidiary of a foreign company producing micro-electronic components. ; peer-reviewed

This study explores social perceptions found within a small country especially those of power and authority relations surrounding work activities and their wider social bases. It also examines whether any changes in these perceptions have taken place following a particular series of events. The specific conditions underlying such changes illustrate certain general principles and raise various questions with implications stretching far beyond the limited confines of the study. For these reasons, an attempt is also made to contribute somewhat to the substantial, if erratic, debate, about the developments of social class consciousness and, more generally, social imagery. ; peer-reviewed

For many centuries the Maltese people were powerless in determining their national, political and economic matters. Powerlessness here refers to a social condition which is beyond the control of certain actors whose lives are determined by it in important respects. This "national powerlessness" was psychologically compensated by a high emotional investment in "local" institutions which, in a sense, provided the people with alternative sources of power and prestige. To an extent, these "safety valve" institutions distracted the people's attentions from national struggles for control in vital areas which were beyond their reach. In this context, the objective powerlessness is also accompanied by a subjective, normative acceptance of that condition. This does not exclude some dormant, cultural aspirations for control even in the national areas. In fact, such aspirations emerging from whatever source may gain popularity during periods of unrest due to unusual economic deprivation or manifest political repression. For the most part, however, there are few, if any, signs of a challenge to the existing national power structure. On the contrary, the prevailing interactions between the dominant and subordinate actors tend towards an apparent authority rather than a power relationship. ; peer-reviewed

In this essay in attempt is made to relate some aspects of Maltese social life to the policies implemented by the British Colonial Administration. The emphasis is on economic, political and religious institutions. The aim is to provide a sociological interpretation of certain processes and patterns of behaviour as these may relate to certain historical events. The evidence for these events is drawn from published secondary sources. Therefore in these respects, at least, there is no claim for originality. Nor does this account present a comprehensive assessment of the extent of British colonial impact on Malta's soda-economic life. Important areas which were deeply influenced by the exercise of colonial power structure, like education, health and sanitation are barely touched upon Or simply mentioned in passing. Certain concepts like that of "elites" or "culture" which are widely used in this essay are intended as usually understood by sociologists. Thus the former refers to a political, economic or status minority which may be entrenched at the top of a society, group, or other social category whether this is openly democratic or not. The latter refers to the ideas, values and norms influencing social behaviour, and defining inter-relations rather than simply to any artistic or literary heritage. ; N/A

A paper presented at the Fifth International Conference on the Economics of Self-management (Vienna, Austria, July 1988). ; That there is a keen interest by Maltese political parties, trade unions and employers on the whole question of workers' participation is understandable. Malta is a developing micro-state with no natural mineral resources. Apart from the sun and the sea, it depends on the resourcefulness and productivity of its labour force for economic survival. Malta's labour topography resembles that of industrialized states, having a negligible agricultural segment and a substantial indus- trial and service oriented working class which is highly unionized. ; peer-reviewed

This chapter focuses on a longitudinal survey of the trade union education (TUE) programmes organized by Malta's largest trade union – the general workers' union – over the years since its establishment. It argues that partially reflecting the traditional 'paternalist' culture, TUE was 'transformative' to the extent that it aimed at overcoming the traditional workers' subculture of 'compliance with paternalism'. The chapter suggests that the future development and effectiveness of the trade union require a more proactive and 'transformative' TUE role to be played. It also argues that the traditional, indirect forms of democratic participation through collective bargaining and the direct forms are indeed complementary and mutually reinforcing. One main characteristic of TUE methodology should be the use of both a formal and informal learning context and strategy. The survival of organizations like trade unions, their effectiveness and development require the realization of both 'cultural reproduction' and 'cultural transformation'. ; peer-reviewed

The Centre for Labour Studies (CLS) is the first and prototype centre set up at the University of Malta in 1981. A clearinghouse for independent and critical thinking and evidence based scholarship, the CLS has a broad mandate to act as a springboard for education, training, research and community outreach in a range of issues that concern workers and the Maltese Labour Market. Given the centrality of work to our lives, and its pivotal role in social and economic development, the CLS has also been unfailingly submitting workrelated policy recommendations to all political parties contesting general elections in Malta since 1981. Such recommendations typically gravitate around the areas of expertise that have coalesced at the CLS and that find obvious expression in its course offerings, ongoing reports and monitoring, and the publications of its core academic staff. ; N/A