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Yugoslavia was a union of countries at the crossroads of cultures, rich in diversity, bringing together heterogeneous populations with very different demographic transition pathways, particularly with respect to fertility. This paper studies the trends and patterns of cohort fertility in former Yugoslav countries, similarities and differences between the countries, and their possible clustering. Do former Yugoslav countries exhibit persistent diversity to this day, or is there convergence in terms of cohort fertility behaviour? If so, what might account for this homogeneity within Yugoslavia's heterogeneity? We trace how fertility behaviour changed from the turn of the twentieth century, when Yugoslav countries began their progression from agrarian into industrial capitalist societies. We consider the factors related to a rapid transformation to socialist modernity after 1945 and proceed to investigate the federation's breakup and the successor states' transitions to market economies in the early 1990s. Our study thus covers a century of socioeconomic and fertility developments within the region. We analyse census data on children born by means of the completed cohort fertility rate, parity progression ratios, and parity composition. Our results show that while fertility levels decreased in all former Yugoslav republics, this happened at different speeds and taking different paths. Parity progression to higher birth orders was particularly responsible for this development, as well as for the differences and similarities between the respective republics. Former Yugoslav republics are clustered into three groups, where Croatia, Slovenia, and Serbia form the low fertility group, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro belong to a higher fertility group. Kosovo remains a special case with exceptionally high fertility in the European context. We conclude that this clustering stems from a complex interplay of historical, political, economic and social factors.

Yugoslavia was a union of countries at the crossroads of cultures, rich in diversity, bringing together heterogeneous populations with very different demographic transition pathways, particularly with respect to fertility. This paper studies the trends and patterns of cohort fertility in former Yugoslav countries, similarities and differences between the countries, and their possible clustering. Do former Yugoslav countries exhibit persistent diversity to this day, or is there convergence in terms of cohort fertility behaviour? If so, what might account for this homogeneity within Yugoslavia's heterogeneity? We trace how fertility behaviour changed from the turn of the twentieth century, when Yugoslav countries began their progression from agrarian into industrial capitalist societies. We consider the factors related to a rapid transformation to socialist modernity after 1945 and proceed to investigate the federation's breakup and the successor states' transitions to market economies in the early 1990s. Our study thus covers a century of socioeconomic and fertility developments within the region. We analyse census data on children born by means of the completed cohort fertility rate, parity progression ratios, and parity composition. Our results show that while fertility levels decreased in all former Yugoslav republics, this happened at different speeds and taking different paths. Parity progression to higher birth orders was particularly responsible for this development, as well as for the differences and similarities between the respective republics. Former Yugoslav republics are clustered into three groups, where Croatia, Slovenia, and Serbia form the low fertility group, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro belong to a higher fertility group. Kosovo remains a special case with exceptionally high fertility in the European context. We conclude that this clustering stems from a complex interplay of historical, political, economic and social factors.

Yugoslavia was a union of countries at the crossroads of cultures, rich in diversity, bringing together heterogeneous populations with very different demographic transition pathways, particularly with respect to fertility. This paper studies the trends and patterns of cohort fertility in former Yugoslav countries, similarities and differences between the countries, and their possible clustering. Do former Yugoslav countries exhibit persistent diversity to this day, or is there convergence in terms of cohort fertility behaviour? If so, what might account for this homogeneity within Yugoslavia's heterogeneity? We trace how fertility behaviour changed from the turn of the twentieth century, when Yugoslav countries began their progression from agrarian into industrial capitalist societies. We consider the factors related to a rapid transformation to socialist modernity after 1945 and proceed to investigate the federation's breakup and the successor states' transitions to market economies in the early 1990s. Our study thus covers a century of socioeconomic and fertility developments within the region. We analyse census data on children born by means of the completed cohort fertility rate, parity progression ratios, and parity composition. Our results show that while fertility levels decreased in all former Yugoslav republics, this happened at different speeds and taking different paths. Parity progression to higher birth orders was particularly responsible for this development, as well as for the differences and similarities between the respective republics. Former Yugoslav republics are clustered into three groups, where Croatia, Slovenia, and Serbia form the low fertility group, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro belong to a higher fertility group. Kosovo remains a special case with exceptionally high fertility in the European context. We conclude that this clustering stems from a complex interplay of historical, political, economic and social factors.

Près d'un quart des femmes nées en Europe dans la première décennie du XX e siècle n'ont pas eu d'enfant. Le taux d'infécondité diminue dans les générations suivantes, seule une femme sur dix en moyenne restant sans enfant parmi celles nées au début des années 1940. Le taux d'infécondité réaugmente ensuite, atteignant dans les générations nées à la fin des années 1960 en moyenne 15 % en Europe du Nord et 18 % en Europe de l'Ouest. C'est en Europe du Sud qu'il a le plus augmenté récemment – jusqu'à une femme sur quatre nées dans les années 1970 pourrait y rester sans enfant – en raison de la faiblesse des politiques familiales et des inégalités de genre encore très marquées qui rendent difficile la conciliation entre travail et famille.

Der folgende Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über Daten, die für fertilitätsspezifische Fragenstellungen in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz verwendet werden können. Es wird zum einen die Qualität der Daten der amtlichen Geburtenstatistik, der Volkszählungen und des Mikrozensus kritisch diskutiert. Zum anderen werden auf Basis verschiedener Befragungsdaten ordnungsspezifische Fertilitätsindikatoren generiert und den Ergebnissen, die auf Basis der Geburtenstatistik gewonnen wurden, gegenübergestellt. Der Vergleich zeigt, dass in den Befragungsdaten ein 'family bias' existiert, d.h. die Fertilität der jüngeren Kohorten wird überschätzt, vermutlich da jüngere Befragte, die kleine Kinder haben, leichter für Interviewer anzutreffen sind. Die Verzerrungen sind besonders groß in Befragungen mit einem familienspezifischen Schwerpunkt, während Mehrzweckumfragen einen weniger großen 'Bias' aufweisen. Die Gewichtung der Daten kann den 'family bias' nicht komplett ausgleichen, was darauf zurückzuführen ist, dass die Anzahl der Kinder nicht bei der Generierung der Gewichtungsfaktoren berücksichtigt wird. Am Rande wird in diesem Beitrag auf den Einfluss von Migration hingewiesen, der die Berechnung von vergleichbaren Fertilitätsindikatoren erschwert.

Across developed countries, cohorts of women born after World War II have seen a shift
of childbearing towards later ages and a concomitant decline in fertility level. We
study this shift using the notions of fertility postponement (fertility decline at
younger ages) and subsequent recuperation (a compensatory fertility increase at higher
reproductive ages). We apply order-specific data and extend and elaborate on two broad
approaches to this process: 1) a basic benchmark model extensively used by Tomas Frejka
and his colleagues and 2) a relational model proposed by Ron Lesthaeghe (2001). Our
work focuses especially on three predominantly German-speaking countries, Austria,
Germany and Switzerland, and compares them with selected European countries and the
United States. We illustrate the usefulness of these two approaches for constructing
projection scenarios of completed cohort fertility among women of reproductive age.
Using three key indicators of the postponement transition – initial fertility level,
absolute fertility decline at younger ages, and the relative degree of fertility "recuperation"
at older ages – we demonstrate that each of these components is salient for explaining
contemporary cross-country differences in cohort fertility. Recuperation is especially
important, but is also clearly patterned by birth order: whereas all the countries
analysed have experienced a vigorous recovery of delayed first births, pronounced
differentials are observed with regard to the recuperation of second and particularly
of third and later births. In line with the differentials observed, projected values
of completed fertility in five European countries vary widely for the cohorts born
in the early 1980s, ranging from 1.3 in the lowest scenario for Spain to over 1.8
in the highest scenario for the Czech Republic. Online Appendix: The Importance of Rising Educational Attainment for Cohort Fertility Postponement and Recuperation (s. http://dx.doi.org/10.4232/10.CPoS-2011-16en).

In den Industrieländern ist bei den Frauenjahrgängen, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg geboren wurden, ein Aufschub der Familiengründung auf einen späteren Zeitpunkt sowie ein gleichzeitiger Rückgang des Fertilitätsniveaus zu beobachten. Die Autoren untersuchen diese Veränderungen in Bezug auf den Fertilitätsrückgang im jüngeren Alter (Geburtenaufschub im jüngeren Alter ) sowie den kompensierenden Fertilitätsanstieg im höheren Reproduktionsalter (Nachholen von Geburten). Sie verwenden paritätsspezifische Daten und erweitern zwei methodische Ansätze zur Bestimmung dieser Prozesse: 1) ein von Tomas Frejka et al. (2001, 2004) häufig verwendetes Basis-Bezugsmodell und 2) ein von Ron Lesthaeghe (2001) vorgeschlagenes relationales Modell. In ihrem Beitrag konzentrieren die Autoren sich auf drei überwiegend deutschsprachige Länder - Österreich, Deutschland und die Schweiz - und vergleichen diese mit ausgewählten europäischen Ländern sowie den USA. Sie demonstrieren die Relevanz dieser beiden Ansätze für die Erstellung von Szenarien zur Vorausschätzung der abgeschlossenen Kohortenfertilität von Frauen, die sich noch im Reproduktionsalter befinden. Sie zeigen mithilfe der drei Hauptindikatoren - Ausgangsfertilitätsniveau, absoluter Fertilitätsrückgang im jüngeren Alter und relativer Index des Nachholens von Geburten (recuperation index) im höheren Alter - dass jeder dieser Aspekte für die Erklärung der unterschiedlichen Kohortenfertilität in den einzelnen Ländern von Bedeutung ist. Das Nachholen spielt eine besonders wichtige Rolle, ist jedoch auch deutlich erkennbaren paritätsspezifischen Mustern unterworfen: Während alle untersuchten Länder ein ausgeprägtes Nachholen des Aufschubs von Erstgeburten verzeichnet haben, sind in Bezug auf das Nachholen der Zweitgeburten sowie insbesondere der Geburten dritter und höherer Ordnung markante Unterschiede zu erkennen. In Übereinstimmung mit diesen beobachteten Differenzen weichen die vorausgeschätzten Werte der abgeschlossenen Fertilität in fünf europäischen Ländern für die Anfang der 1980er Jahre geborenen Kohorten deutlich voneinander ab und reichen von 1,3 im niedrigsten Szenario für Spanien bis zu über 1,8 im höchsten Szenario für die Tschechische Republik. Online Anhang: Die Bedeutung des steigenden Bildungsgrades für den Aufschub und das Nachholen der Kohortenfertilität (s. http://dx.doi.org/10.4232/10.CPoS-2011-16de).

AbstractWe use monthly birth data collected by the Human Fertility Database to analyze the impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic on birth trends until September 2022 in 38 higher‐income countries. We also present estimates of the monthly total fertility rate adjusted for seasonality. Our analysis reveals that the pandemic led to distinct swings in births and fertility rates. The initial pandemic shock was associated with a fall in births in most countries, with the sharpest drop in January 2021. Next, birth rates showed a short‐term recovery in March 2021, following the conceptions after the end of the first wave of the pandemic. Most countries reported a stable or slightly increasing number of births in the subsequent months, especially in autumn 2021. Yet another, quite unexpected, downturn in births started in January 2022, linked with the conceptions in spring 2021 when the pandemic measures were mostly eased out and vaccination was gaining momentum. Taken together and contrary to some initial expectations, the coronavirus pandemic did not bring a lasting "baby bust" in most of the analyzed countries. Especially the Nordic countries, the Netherlands, Germany, and the United States experienced an improvement in their birth dynamics in 2021 compared with the prepandemic period.