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In organizations, social influence attempts take place consistently. People high in political skill, which compromises networking ability, interpersonal influence, social astuteness, and apparent sincerity, are considered to be more effective at such processes. Furthermore, the construct of political skill has been linked to job performance repeatedly. Thereby, an increase in political skill should encompass enhanced job performance. However, it is herein assumed that extreme values in political skill should lead to lower job performance and more counterproductive work behavior) as compared to intermediate scores. A detailed examination of the two constructs, the "too much of a good thing" effect and other hints corroborate these conjectures. The results of two studies indicate that there is a curvilinear relationship between political skill and job performance. This holds similarly for all dimensions of job performance (task performance, contextual performance, adaptive performance, counterproductive work behavior) as well as the facet career role. It is discussed to which extent political skill or similar constructs of social effectiveness have negative influence whenever they are developed 'too much'.

Abstract
Whereas voice pitch is strongly linked to people's perceptions in contexts of sexual selection, such as attractiveness and dominance, evidence that links voice pitch to actual behaviour or the formidability of a speaker is sparse and mixed. In this registered report, we investigated how male speakers' voice pitch is linked to fighting success in a dataset comprising 135 (amateur) mixed martial arts and 189 (amateur) boxing fights. Based on the assumption that voice pitch is an honest signal of formidability, we expected lower voice pitch to be linked to higher fighting success. The results indicated no significant relation between a fighter's voice pitch, as directly measured before a fight, and successive fighting success in both mixed martial arts fighters and boxers.

Assumed similarity is the tendency to assume that another person is similar to oneself. The present studies examined assumed similarity in intimate relationships regarding the HEXACO personality traits in Denmark (N = 93) and China (N = 236). Specifically, these studies hypothesized that people assume higher similarity with their intimate partners in Honesty‐Humility and Openness to Experience compared to the other four HEXACO traits (Emotionality, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness). Results from both studies indicate that assumed similarity was higher in Honesty‐Humility compared to Emotionality, Extraversion, Agreeableness, and Conscientiousness. However, assumed similarity in Openness was higher compared to Emotionality and Conscientiousness only. Supplementary analyses indicate no cultural differences between Denmark and China in assumed similarity in Honesty‐Humility and Openness.

In this study, we investigated the interaction effects between honesty-humility and two contextual perception variables (perceptions of organizational politics and perceptions of interactional justice) on two dimensions of job performance (task performance and organizational citizenship behavior). In a multiple rater design, we dissociated the assessments of the contextual perception variables (rated by target employees), personality traits (rated by colleagues), and job performance (rated by supervisors) from each other. We expected employees lower in honesty-humility to adapt their behavior according to the perceived context, whereas employees higher in honesty-humility were expected to perform equally well irrespective of the perceived environment. Results supported the hypothesized interactions in general.

Although aversive ("dark") personality characteristics of politicians have increasingly become a focus of research, a suitable self-assessment inventory for political elites has only recently been introduced. This article examines the test-retest reliability of the Political Elites Aversive Personality Scale (PEAPS) in a unique natural setting using a panel study of candidates running for the 2021 Berlin state election and the 2023 Berlin repeated election (N = 106, 37.7% female). The average age was 47.5 (2021) and 49.5 years (2023), respectively (SD = 14.7 years). 14.2% of the participants ran for the Green Party (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen), 11.3% for the Liberal Party (FDP), 8.5% for the Social Democrats (SPD), 7.5% for the Alternative for Germany (AfD), 6.6% for the Christian Democrats (CDU), 4.7% for the Left Party (Die Linke), and 48.1% for smaller parties not represented in the parliament. Across various methods, we find moderate to high levels of reliability. Especially in the light of the relatively long time lag between the measurement occasions, results thus support using PEAPS for self-assessment of aversive personality of politicians. Given that PEAPS comprises six items only, it appears to be suitable for measuring aversive personality in situations in which time or cost prevent the use of more comprehensive personality measures. We also suggest that future research might aim to test the usefulness of PEAPS for other elites (e.g., corporate leaders).

During COVID-19, conspiracy theories were intensely discussed in the media. Generally, both believing in conspiracy theories (i.e., explanations for events based on powerholders' secret arrangements) and being confronted with a conspiracy theory have been found to predict cognition and behavior with negative societal effects, such as low institutional trust. Accordingly, believing in conspiracy theories around COVID-19 should reduce institutional trust, support of governmental regulations and their adoption, and social engagement (e.g., helping members of risk groups). We tested these predictions in a national random sample survey, an experiment, and a longitudinal study (N total = 1,213; all studies were preregistered). Indeed, believing in and being confronted with a COVID-19 conspiracy theory decreased institutional trust, support of governmental regulations, adoption of physical distancing, and—to some extent—social engagement. Findings underscore the severe societal effects of conspiracy theories in the context of COVID-19.

Abstract. The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) has strongly affected individuals and societies worldwide. In this review and meta-analysis, we investigated how aversive personality traits – that is, relatively stable antisocial personality characteristics – related to how individuals perceived, evaluated, and responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. Across 34 studies with overall 26,780 participants, we found that people with higher scores in aversive personality traits were less likely to perceive guidelines and restrictions to curb the spread of the virus as protective ([Formula: see text] = −.11), to engage in health behaviors related to COVID-19 ([Formula: see text] = −.16), and to engage in non-health-related prosocial behavior related to COVID-19 ([Formula: see text] = −.14). We found no consistent relation between aversive personality and negative effect regarding the pandemic. The results thus indicate the importance of aversive personality traits in understanding individual differences with regard to COVID-19.

The purpose of this study was to examine the relations of two facets of psychopathic personality (i.e., self-centered impulsivity and fearless dominance) with interpersonally directed counterproductive work behavior (CWB-I) and contextual performance (CP). Consistent with research on psychopathy, our hypothesis suggested that self-centered impulsivity (i.e., behavioral impulsivity characterized by disregard for rules and responsibilities) would be positively related to CWB-I and negatively related to CP. Using socioanalytic theory, we further suggested that fearless dominance (i.e., an egotistical personal style characterized by self-promotion and prioritization of one's own needs before those of others) would be negatively associated with interpersonal performance (i.e., high CWB-I and low CP) only when individuals indicated low levels of interpersonal influence (i.e., a dimension of political skill reflecting an ability to adapt one's behavior in subtle, sophisticated, and situationally effective ways). Results provided strong support for the differential relations of the psychopathic personality dimensions with the criteria of interest. Implications for theory, practice, and future research are provided in light of a number of notable strengths and limitations.

PurposePolitical skill is measured with the political skill inventory (PSI), and the construct is composed of four distinct dimensions. Previous validation studies of the PSI found evidence in support of the four‐factor structure, but only using self‐reports. Furthermore, no efforts have been made to also identify a single, higher‐order factor solution through second‐order factor analysis. The present research aims to expand on prior work and report on a two‐study investigation of both the construct validity and antecedents and consequences of the political skill construct.Design/methodology/approachTo test construct validity, Study 1 combined self‐ and other reports of political skill from 467 employees in a confirmatory factor analysis. Study 2 used longitudinal data from 202 employees to constructively replicate Study 1 results and to test hypotheses regarding the antecedents and consequences of political skill.FindingsThe results of Study 1 confirmed both a four‐factor and a single higher‐order factor solution of the political skill construct, thus supporting our hypothesis. Study 2 constructively replicated the Study 1 factorial validity results, and supported hypotheses regarding the dispositional and developmental experience antecedents, career‐related consequences, and mediation of these antecedents and outcomes by political skill.Originality/valueThese two studies test the construct validity of political skill using both self‐ and other‐reports. Further, this is the first research to test the Ferris et al. conceptualization of political skill, by examining its antecedents, consequences, and mediation of the antecedents‐consequences relationships.

This research expands the study of political skill, a construct developed in North America, to other cultures. We examine the psychometric properties of the Political Skill Inventory (PSI) and test the measurement equivalence of the scale in a non-American context. Respondents were 1511 employees from China, Germany, Russia, Turkey, and the United States. The cross-cultural generalizability of the construct is established through consistent evidence of multi-group invariance in an increasingly stringent series of analyses of mean and covariance structures. Overall, the study provides systematic evidence that political skill can be treated as a stable construct among diverse cultural groups. Furthermore, our findings demonstrate that translated PSI measures operationalize the construct similarly. With some exceptions, the item loadings and intercepts are invariant for the US and non-US responses, suggesting partial measurement equivalence. After verifying the accuracy of item translation, we conclude that any differences can be explained by variation in the cultural value of uncertainly avoidance and cultural differences on a low-to-high context continuum. Detected dissimilarities are addressed, and some suggestions regarding the correct use across borders of the instrument by managers and researchers are provided.