Suchergebnisse

Cilj ovoga rada je identificirati političke, kulturne i društvene narative turskih serija koje imaju propagandnu ulogu. Analizom narativa obrađena su dva žanrovski različita turska serijala novijeg datuma – Sanjalica i 50 m2. Analiza narativa nadopunjena je komparativnim pristupom, odnosno dizajnom najrazličitijih sustava. Unatoč tome što oba serijala površinski prikazuju zapadne i sekularne vrijednosti, njihov dublji sloj otkriva gotovo identične političke, kulturne i društvene narative koje obilježavaju politička propaganda vladajuće stranke i reprodukcija konzervativne kulture u Turskoj. Iako rad potvrđuje propagandni sadržaj analiziranih serijala, ponajprije prema turskim gledateljima, zaključuje se kako je potrebno proširiti istraživanje na veći broj turskih serija. Jednako tako, analiza narativa govori nam koje poruke ti serijali šalju, no kako bi se mogla istražiti recepcija njihovih poruka kod turskih gledatelja potrebna su daljnja istraživanja koja se služe drugim metodološkim postupcima.

The question this paper tries to provide an answer to is, why democratic transformation‎ was successful in Tunisia and Indonesia? The theoretical approach‎ is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although cultural‎ theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and‎ stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a binary comparative study‎ with the same outcome on the dependent variable. Furthermore, the paper‎ utilizes the Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) since both countries are‎ quite different, but the dependent variable is the same – democratic transformation‎ was successful. The aim of the paper is to isolate the independent‎ variables which should be considered as the necessary prerequisites for the‎ democratic transformation in both cases. However, the paper emphasises that‎ further testing and more cases are needed.‎

Na temelju kvantitativne analize sadržaja znanstvenih i stručnih časopisa,‎ objavljenih poglavito na portalu znanstvenih časopisa Republike Hrvatske (Hrčak),‎ autor daje uvid u granu regionalne komparativne politike koja se bavi proučavanjem‎ Bliskoga istoka. Utvrdio je kako je objavljeno 75 znanstvenih i stručnih članaka‎ o toj regiji, među kojima je samo 11 članaka o zemljama Sjeverne Afrike. To pokazuje‎ da je ta podregija Bliskoga istoka u hrvatskoj znanstvenoj i stručnoj literaturi‎ vrlo podzastupljena. Nadalje, od 75 članaka, čak su 25 stručni radovi. Najveći broj‎ znanstvenih članaka o Bliskom istoku (13) objavljen je u časopisu Politička misao,‎ dok je u drugima znanstvenim časopisima kojima je izdavač ili suizdavač Fakultet‎ političkih znanosti objavljeno samo pet radova. Naposljetku, kvalitativna analiza‎ članaka u četiri časopisa kojima je izdavač ili suizdavač Fakultet političkih znanosti‎ pokazala je da su komparativne regionalne studije znatno zastupljenije od tradicionalnih‎ regionalnih studija.‎

Temeljno pitanje na koje ovaj rad pokušava dati odgovor jest zašto je demokratska transformacija bila uspješna u Tunisu, a u Egiptu i Alžiru nije. Istraživanju je primarno pristupljeno sa stajališta deskriptivno-empirijskih teorija aktera, iako su korištene i kulturalističke teorije kako bi se bolje razumjele političke ideje i stavovi islamističkih aktera. Strategija istraživanja je fokusirana komparativna studija triju slučajeva – Tunisa, Egipta i Alžira – odnosno intraregionalna komparativna studija, budući da je riječ o zemljama koje pripadaju podregiji Sjeverne Afrike kao podsustavu regije Bliskog istoka. Komparativna studija ima različite ishode na ovisnoj varijabli kako bi se izbjegla neprirodna selekcijska pristranost te postigao kvazieksperimentalan efekt. Hipoteza koja je ponuđena glasi da je Tunis imao mekši civilni autoritarni režim koji je dopuštao interakciju i suradnju oporbenih i režimskih elita, a što je rezultiralo političkim dogovorom te, posljedično, uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U slučaju Egipta i Alžira interakcija oporbenih i režimskih elita imala je prvenstveno oblik sukoba te je izostao politički dogovor, a time i demokratska tranzicija. Neovisne varijable koje su izolirane u teorijskoj raspravi jesu: karakter prethodnog autoritarnog režima, uloga vojske, tip opozicije i vlasti, obrasci interakcije opozicije i vlasti, obrasci tranzicije u demokraciju. Uz te varijable, analiza obuhvaća i kolonijalno razdoblje koje je bitno zato što pokazuje jesu li te zemlje imale neko prethodno demokratsko iskustvo, je li ono imalo neki utjecaj na kasniju demokratizaciju, kakve su političke elite nastale u tom razdoblju i, konzekventno, kakav su oblik autoritarnog sustava kasnije izgradile. Iz analize proizlazi zaključak da je glavna hipoteza potvrđena. Tunis je bio "mekši" autoritarni režim, što je omogućilo suradnju starih i novih elita koja je rezultirala političkim dogovorom, a time i uspješnom demokratskom tranzicijom. U Egiptu i Alžiru je sukob starih i novih elita onemogućio uspješnu demokratizaciju. ; The main question this thesis tries to provide an answer to is why democratic transformation was successful in Tunisia, but not in Egypt and Algeria. The research approach is primarily rooted in descriptive-empirical actor theories, although culturalist theories were used as well, as to better understand the political ideas and stances of Islamist actors. The research strategy is a focused comparative three-case-study – comprising Tunisia, Egypt, and Algeria – i.e. an intra-regional comparative study since these countries belong to the subregion of North Africa, which is a subsystem of the Middle Eastern region. The comparative study has different outcomes on the dependent variable, in order to avoid unnatural selection bias and achieve a quasi-experimental effect. The proposed hypothesis claims that Tunisia had a softer civilian authoritarian regime which permitted interaction and cooperation of opposition and regime elites, which resulted in a political agreement and, subsequently, a successful democratic transition. In the cases of Egypt and Algeria, the interaction of opposition and regime elites primarily took the form of conflict, with a lack of a political agreement, and thus democratic transition. The independent variables which were isolated in the theoretical discussion were the following: the character of the previous authoritarian regime, the role of the army, opposition and government type, patterns of opposition-government interaction, patterns of transition to democracy. In addition, the analysis encompasses the colonial period as well, which is important because it demonstrates whether these countries had the previous democratic experience, whether it had some influence on later democratization, what kinds of political elites emerged in that period and, consequently, what form of an authoritarian regime they later established. The analysis provides the conclusion that the main hypothesis was confirmed. Tunisia was a "softer" authoritarian regime, which had enabled the cooperation of old and new elites, which resulted in a political agreement, and thus a successful democratic transition. In Egypt and Algeria, the conflict of old and new elites prevented successful democratization.

Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.

From the very beginning of the so-called Arab Spring in the winter of 2010, different authors drew parallels with the fall of communism and the democratization of Eastern Europe in 1989/1991. Even the name given to the political processes of the 2010 in North Africa was similar to the names of the political changes in communist Eastern Europe. The Eastern Europe parallel was strongly emphasized and the arguments that accompany it do carry some weight. However, this paper claims that because of the specificity of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe, its comparison to the Arab Spring is not completely adequate. Eastern Europe went through a triple transition and was later heavily influenced by the allure to join the European Union, unlike North Africa. Therefore, this paper stipulates that the Arab Spring is more adequately compared to the democratization of Central America then the democratization of Eastern Europe. ; Od samog početka takozvanog Arapskog proljeća u zimu 2010. godine različiti izvori povlače usporedbe s padom komunizma i demokratizacijom Istočne Europe 1989/1991. Čak je i sam naziv ovog političkog fenomena sličan nazivima političkih promjena u komunističkoj Istočnoj Europi. Usporedba s Istočnom Europom bila je snažno naglašavana, a argumenti koji tom toku misli idu u prilog imaju neku težinu. Međutim, članak tvrdi da, zbog iznimne specifičnosti komunističkih režima u Istočnoj Europi, usporedba s Arapskim proljećem nije u potpunosti adekvatna. Istočna Europa prošla je kroz trostruku tranziciju i bila je pod jakim utjecajem želje da se pridruži Europskoj uniji, za razliku od Sjeverne Afrike. Zbog toga članak tvrdi kako je demokratizacija Srednje Amerike daleko adekvatnija za usporedbu sa zemljama Arapskog proljeća.

The main objective of this article was to examine how Germany, Italy and Spain practice digital public diplomacy in Eastern Partnership and Central Asia countries in 2022, i.e., how they promote their countries through their embassies' Facebook profiles. Three research questions posed by the authors were: 1) Which social networks and applications have embassies of Germany, Italy, and Spain used in the countries of Eastern Partnership and Central Asia to inform and communicate with different audiences?; 2) Which soft power tools were dominantly communicated by the German, Italian, and Spanish embassies on Facebook profiles in countries of Eastern Partnership and Central Asia during 2022 to promote their own countries?; and 3) Are digital diplomacy tools of Germany, Italy, and Spain, that they utilize to promote their own countries and communicate with the public of Eastern Partnership and Central Asia, following their foreign policy focus? The authors have used quantitative content and thematic analysis to answer these questions. The results were presented with the use of descriptive statistics. The authors' findings indicated that digital diplomacy 2.0 is standard practice for Germany and Italy in Eastern Partnership and Central Asia. Less information was available regarding Spain's digital diplomacy efforts. The research's findings further demonstrated that Germany and Italy exhibit greater interest in the Eastern Partnership and Central Asian countries compared to Spain, which was concordant with their foreign policy focuses.

AbstractThis study aims at empirically improving public policy theory by unfolding the concept of policy goals and contributing to their classifications. The research focuses on the thematic dimension of policy goals and investigates 11 Croatian governmental strategies using qualitative content analysis. The research identifies original policy goal types and classifies them into sector‐, process‐, evaluation‐, instrument‐, and value‐oriented goals. Article concludes with a more comprehensive definition of policy goals, as governmental statements about desired futures in relation to specific sectoral purposes, values, and principles in democratic political systems, policymaking process improvements, necessary instrumental innovations, and evaluation standards that should be fulfilled. The application of this definition and developed goals' classification reveals that elements of policy‐process theories, evaluation research, policy design theory and instrument analysis, democracy theory, and sector‐specific research need to be synthesized to better understand the concept of policy goals and to advance their research.

IN ENGLISH: This study aims at empirically improving public policy theory by unfolding the concept of policy goals and contributing to their classifications. The research focuses on the thematic dimension of policy goals and investigates 11 Croatian governmental strategies using qualitative content analysis. The research identifies original policy goal types and classifies them into sector‐, process‐, evaluation‐, instrument‐, and value‐oriented goals. Article concludes with a more comprehensive definition of policy goals, as governmental statements about desired futures in relation to specific sectoral purposes, values, and principles in democratic political systems, policymaking process improvements, necessary instrumental innovations, and evaluation standards that should be fulfilled. The application of this definition and developed goals' classification reveals that elements of policy‐process theories, evaluation research, policy design theory and instrument analysis, democracy theory, and sector‐specific research need to be synthesized to better understand the concept of policy goals and to advance their research. --- IN CROATIAN: Cilj ovog članka je empirijski poboljšati teoriju javnih politika razvijanjem koncepta ciljeva politike i doprinosom njihovoj klasifikaciji. Istraživanje se fokusira na tematsku dimenziju ciljeva politike i istražuje 11 hrvatskih vladinih strategija pomoću kvalitativne analize sadržaja. Istraživanje identificira izvorne vrste ciljeva politike i klasificira ih na ciljeve usmjerene na sektor, proces, procjenu, instrument i vrijednost. Članak završava opsežnijom definicijom ciljeva politike, kao vladine izjave o željenoj budućnosti u odnosu na određene sektorske svrhe, vrijednosti i načela u demokratskim političkim sustavima, poboljšanja procesa donošenja politika, potrebne instrumentalne inovacije i standarde ocjenjivanja koje treba ispuniti. Primjena ove klasifikacije i klasifikacija razvijenih ciljeva otkriva da elemente teorija političkih procesa, istraživanja evaluacije, teorije dizajna politika i analize instrumenata, teorije demokracije i specifičnih sektorskih istraživanja treba sintetizirati kako bi se bolje razumio koncept ciljeva politike i kako bi unaprijedili svoja istraživanja.