Suchergebnisse

Ethnocultural conflicts in the world today are rooted in the increasingly incendiary globalization in the course of which certain regions cannot cope with migrant flows (EU member countries are a pertinent example) while others (the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of China, Tatarstan, Chechnia, Bashkortostan, the Stavropol Territory, Tyumen Region, Adygea, and Ingushetia in the Russian Federation) are living in the complicated context of ethnic patchwork. Societies are moving towards blending different ethnocultural elements, causing havoc in human minds, unexpected ethnocultural situations and social and ethnic deviations which, as could be expected, consolidates the positions of the Islamic State. [1] It is difficult to study different aspects of the problem in depth in the age of the contemporary digital information society and various brainwashing strategies used by ISIS agents: they present ISIS as the best place for the development of genuine human qualities, which has already brought together members of several ethnic communities. The transnational extremist groups, Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami among them, have spread their influence to Central Asia and are gradually moving into Russian territory. Strongholds of extremism are not limited to the Northern Caucasus; they are present in the historically peaceful Volga area where Islamists have their own mosques and training courses and work hard to lure as many young people as possible to their side. Post-Soviet Islamism is a mixture of classic universalist Islamism and xenophobic fundamentalism. In Soviet times local Muslims treated the so-called Muslim world as something abstract, while Afghan mujahideen caused a lot of irritation in the Soviet Central Asian countries: Uzbeks or Tajiks, for instance, found it hard to associate the mujahideen persistent opposition with the defense of Islam. Today, the situation in the Muslim world is different. Former Soviet republics accept the universalist model of Islam as an endogenous phenomenon rooted in economic, political and ideological prerequisites. Fundamentalism/Wahhabism is seen as an exogenous phenomenon that forced some adherents of classic Islam out and drew the rest into its ranks. Political religions are never neutral. The difference between "us" and "others" is ontological. "Others" are a product of evil (ideologists of political religions do not hesitate to state that their enemies are "soulless"), therefore destruction is the only method to be employed against them. This paradoxical combination of cruelty and flexibility is typical of the post-modernist phenomena.

Modern Russian political science has been actively researching identification processes at all levels in society in recent years. In this regard, understanding of the dynamics, specifics and content of the identity of national journalism seems to be relevant. In essence, identity in the field of mass media and mass communication remains outside the field of scientific interests of researchers. The article focuses on the interdependence of journalism identity and political identity, political and information space.

Journalism as a social institution, the institution of mass media is the most important component in the structure of the political system of society. This dictates the need and relevance of the study of various aspects of the identity of Russian national (state) journalism, its identification factors. Journalism is a sphere of public activity (openness, transparency, publicity), the ability to freely receive and distribute information addressed to a mass audience.

The factor of open information boundaries, wide and close interaction of the media requires real integration within the framework of all-European and world information systems. Consistently implementing the constitutional principles of freedom of information, Russian journalism must clearly identify and defend its identity in the global information space.

In information interaction and counteraction, the problem of the identity of journalism, which closely interacts with political and ethnic identities, is quite acute.

In the research field of identity within the framework of domestic political science, identity in the field of information and journalism remains poorly studied.

The problems of political science in the field of identity research are equally becoming the focus of attention of philosophy, sociology, history and psychology. Certain aspects of the identity of information and journalism can be found in interdisciplinary research, the achievements of various social sciences and humanities.

The South of Russia is characterized by a complex structure, a contradictory history of interethnic relations and active migration processes. All of the above creates difficulties for the region's societal integration and strengthening of macroregional ties. The state's national strategy presupposes the formation of a positive civic identity of Russia's population while preserving its ethnocultural diversity. The self-determination processes of ethnosocial groups in the post-Soviet space have revealed a competition between the civic and ethnic components in the identity of the national republics' population. Therefore, the structural and dynamic dimension of the identity of the multiethnic population in the South of Russia is being actualized. The article empirically characterizes the complex identity of the population in the multiethnic subregions of the Russian South in terms of the region's societal (macrolevel) integration. Based on the sociological research conducted in early 2021 in the Rostov region, the Republic of Adygea and the Republic of Daghestan, the nature of the local residents' identity along the following axes is analyzed: (1) civic, regional and ethnic identifications; (2) I- and we-identifications; (3) primordial and constructed forms of identity. Modern sociological measurements demonstrate that in the structure of cognitive I-identifications of the population of the Russian South, primordial (gender, marital status) and constructed civic (Russian citizen) identity components prevail. In the Rostov region, the core of the respondents' identity comprises a macroregional component (resident of the South of Russia). Whereas in the North Caucasian republics in question, ethnic (in Adygea and Daghestan), confessional and republican (in Daghestan) identifications compete with the all-Russian identity. At the emotional we-identity level, residents of the Russian South most often indicate affinity with groups of everyday communication (people of the same generation and occupation) and supra-ethnic constructed communities (citizens of Russia). A strong orientation towards the South Russian identity is also manifested among the Rostov residents, while ethnic, religious and republican identification complexes have greater significance in the national republics of the Northern Caucasus. Comparative analysis with the results of 2010-2011 studies (conducted using identical instruments in the Rostov region and Adygea) shows a stable predominance of constructed civic and macroregional identities in the subregions dominated by the Russian population, and ethnic and North Caucasian identities—in the republican segment. The continuing discrepancy in the identity content structure in the ethnoterritorial segments of the Russian South may have disintegration potential and slow down the formation of a supra-ethnic societal integrity of a multi-component macroregion.